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    Post German Conservative Revolution in Sweden

    Conservative Revolution in Sweden

    Nikolai von Kreitor


    The Swedish magazine Res Publica, published by Brutus Östlings
    Bokförlag Symposium, has made the first substantial presentation of
    the historical and ideological phenomenon of German Conservative
    Revolution in both Sweden and Scandinavia. (1) The theme issue has
    been edited by Göran Dahl and Carl-Göran Heidegren. (2) The issue
    contains translations from Carl Schmitt's works Politische Theologie,
    Land und Meer and Glossarium, Ernst Jünger's book Der Arbeiter, as
    well as theoretical analyses of the concept of Conservative Revolution
    by the editors, Eric Bolle, Louis Dupeux and Ellen Kennedy.

    Göran Dahl's and Carl-Göran Heidegren's introductory essay The Magic
    Zero Hour is the most interesting in the issue. Its reference point is
    Armin Mohler's standard work on German Conservative revolution Die
    Konservative Revolution in Deutschland 1918-1932. Grundriss ihrer
    Weltanschaungen.

    Mohler differentiates between three main ideological lines within the
    revolutionary conservatism which constitute a development from German
    Myth, through German Legal Idea and to a Prussian Principle.

    Völkische Rasse, Volk germanisch
    Jungkonservative Reich deutsch
    Nationalrevolutionäre Bevegung preussisch

    The Völkische current can be characterized as an entirely
    anti-intellectual and irrational and its influence on the ideological
    development during the Weimar-republic is relatively very
    limited. However during the Third Reich Himler, Rosenberg and to a
    large extend also Hitler, were exponents of the irrationalism of the
    Völkische ideology.

    The Jung-konservative is the current most closely associated with the
    older traditional conservatism which preserves Christian influence and
    values. It is the least revolutionary group which does not expose an
    irreconcilable opposition to the Weimar Republic. A central
    ideological leitmotif in their ideology is the concept of the Reich
    (=Empire) as a supra-state formation, different and opposed to both
    the nation-state as well as the imperialist state. Their ideal is a
    decentralized multi-ethnic empire under German dominance achieved by
    virtue of the size of the German population as well as the German
    industrial and cultural development and pre-eminence. (3)

    The national-revolutionaries are the most radical, anti-Weimar and
    anti-capitalist group. Characteristic for their ideological
    world-outlook is the anti-West and anti-Civilization orientation
    intellectually conceived in a way similar to Thomas Mann's thoughts in
    Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man. Civilization-criticism was equated
    with criticism of Anglo-Saxon influence and capitalism, disguised as
    progress, liberalism and democracy. Or as Thomas Mann wrote:

    Whatever the state of Germany's spiritual power of resistance may be
    today (May 1917), in 1914 she had recognized as superstition the
    belief that the Western ideas were still the leading, victorious and
    revolutionary ones; she was convinced that progress, modernity, youth,
    genius, and novelty were on the German side; she thought it patently
    clear that compared with the conservatism of the immortal principles,
    her own psychological conservatism signified something truly
    revolutionary. (4)

    Thomas Mann noted further that:

    Whoever would aspire to transform Germany into a middle-class
    democracy in the Western-Roman sense and spirit would wish to take
    away from her all that is best and complex, to take away the
    problematic character that really makes up her nationality; he would
    make her dull, shallow, stupid, an un-German, and he would therefore
    be an antinationalist who insisted that Germany become a nation in a
    foreign sense and spirit. (5)

    The term West was seen as synonymous with Anglo-Saxon and therefore
    the anti-West orientation in concrete political terms translated into
    corresponding East orientation, toward Russia. (6)

    Ernst Jünger, the National-Bolshevik Ernst Niekisch and Otto Strasser,
    the anti-capitalist National Socialist and leader of the Black Front,
    are the most prominent representatives of the
    national-revolutionaries. The capitalism was ideologically perceived
    as anti-German, as Anglo-Saxon imposition and a deadly threat to
    culture and to the quality of life, note Dahl and Heidegren. The work
    of the sociologist Werner Sombart Händler and Helden, published in
    1915, had an important influence on the criticism of capitalism: it
    contraposed the Hero against the Händler (= the shopkeeper (7)).

    In the Fourteen Theses of the German Revolution, published in 1929 as
    the manifesto and program of the Black Front, Otto Strasser clearly
    defined the extent of his faction's commitment to socialist social
    change. The main points of the program were:

    nationalist, against the enslavement of Germany by the Versailles
    powers: socialist, against the tyranny of money and Volkish, against
    the destruction of the German soul. (8)

    His first point placed him in the company of Moeller van den Bruck,
    for he advocated a foreign policy oriented toward the East, toward
    what van den Bruck described as the territory of the young Russian
    nation. His second point demanded nationalization of all land and
    abolishment of all unearned income. And the third point was directed
    against foreign elements and institutions working to undermine and
    enslave the German soul and German historical and cultural
    traditions. (9)

    Conservative revolutionaries were also critical of the political form
    of expression of capitalism: the liberalism. The liberalism, built on
    an atomistic, individualistic principle, had undermined all organic
    Gemeinschaft or as Moeller van den Bruck asserted in Das Dritte Reich
    : The liberalism has ruined cultures, it has undermined religions. It
    has destroyed nations and fatherlands. The liberalism is the
    self-dissolution of the mankind.

    Against the liberalism he envisioned a new ethical-political German or
    Prussian socialism. Oswald Spengler stated in his book Preussentum und
    Socialismus that:

    Power belongs to the whole. The individual serves it. The whole is
    sovereign... Together Prussianism and socialism stand against the
    England within us, against the world view which has penetrated the
    whole existence of our people, paralyzed it, and robbed it of its
    soul. (10)

    The basic mood of the ideology of Conservative Revolution is best
    summarized by the distinction between Culture and Civilization as well
    as between organic unity and economic liberalism.

    A Culture, to recall Oswald Spengler's words, has a soul, whereas
    Civilization is the most external and artificial state of which
    humanity is capable. The acceptance of Culture and rejection of
    Civilization meant for many people and end to alienation from the
    society. The word rootedness occur constantly in their
    vocabulary. They sought this in spiritual terms, through an inward
    correspondence between the individual, the native soul, the Volk and
    the universe. In this manner the isolation they felt so deeply would
    be destroyed. The external was equated with the present,
    disappointing society; the state was opposed to the Volk, and the
    divisive parliamentary politics contrasted with that organic unity for
    which so many Germans longed. Moreover, the external signified a
    society which had forgotten its genuine, Germanic purpose. (11)

    Following Armin Mohlers thoughts Dahl and Heidegren concentrate on the
    Nietzschean elements in the ideology of the Conservative Revolution:
    the dichotomy between linear versus cyclical (Nietzsche,
    Spengler)-without beginning or an end - concept of history and the
    notion of the Return of the Eternal, the contraposition of progress
    versus inner and outer organic development, the conviction that the
    fall, the destruction are at the same time a rebirth. Those irrational
    elements have a certain historical significance, but they are neither
    generally representative nor decisive for the ideology of the
    Conservative Revolution.

    More interesting is the discussion of the relationship between
    cultural pessimism, the feeling of doom, and decisionist voluntarism,
    a relationship similar to that of illness and medicine. According to
    Loius Dupeux the decisionist voluntarism became the intellectual
    foundation of a new optimism, a conservative optimism as Moeller van
    den Bruck called it, centered on notions of national rebirth,
    resurrection and self-affirmation, on assertion of a new national
    identity as a trans-individual subject of history. Therefore in his
    book Die Entscheidung Christian Graf von Krockow correctly calls Carl
    Schmitt, Ernst Jünger and Martin Heidegger the prophets of decision
    during a historical period which already Oswald Spengler had described
    as The Hour of Decision.


    Lebensphilosophie

    The Weltanschauung of the Conservative Revolution, its vitalistic and
    decisionist approach to society, human being as well as to
    international relations, can not be understood without the reference
    to the concept of life identified with experience, central in the
    German tradition of Liebensphilosophie, the latter, in the words of
    Georg Lukacs, using the intuition as its organom and the irrational as
    its natural object (12), conjured up the necessary elements of a
    vitalistic world-view. The epistemological rationale of
    Lebensphilosophie proceeded from the thesis that experiencing the
    world is the ultimate basis of knowledge and that an epistemological
    solution to man's relationship with the objective external world could
    only be elucidated by way of praxis.

    Louis Dupeux asserts in his contribution to the issue (13) that the
    most important ideological characteristic of the Conservative
    Revolution - is the emphasis on the concept of life which, after
    Nietzsche, takes the roll of the Right-wing antagonist to the Left's
    concept of reason, a concept of life which Thomas Mann defined as key
    concept of every modern Weltanschaung.


    Glossarium

    The translation of part of Carl Schmitt's book
    Glossarium-Aufzeichungen 1947-1951, first published in 1991 in Germany
    and consisting of short philosophical and existential reflections,
    contains several interesting observations, written with aphoristic
    clarity, concerning Carl Scmitt's criticism of neo-Kantian legal
    positivism, American political theology - the Wilsonian
    pseudo-universalism - used as a ideological vehicle for imperialist
    expansionism, notes dealing with Schmitt's high esteem for Georg
    Lukacs and his intellectual affinity with Heidegger, as well as the
    juridical interpretation of the existential theme of the trowness in
    history.

    Schmitt compares his own criticism of legal positivism with the young
    Hegel's rejection of
    positivism. Positivism=Legality=Judaism=Despotism=th e cramp of the
    Duty and the Norm. On the split between legality and legitimacy
    Schmitt notes The jurist's and the legal profession's fate on the
    Continent: since the French Revolution 1789-1848 the law is split in
    legality and legitimacy, it ends with the jurist falling in the
    pitfall of mere legality, in pure positivism. After this split
    followed after 1848 a split of legitimacy. The tendency appeared first
    during the Restoration, from 1815 to 1850, as a pure historical,
    dynastic and restoration legitimacy. Against it appeared a new
    revolutionary legitimacy which finally prevailed and was
    victorious. The criterion is: good conscience in respect to legality
    and legitimacy. The manifesto of the victory as well as its authentic
    legal philosophy is Georg Lukacs History and Class Consciousness.

    The political ideology of the American imperialism and expansionism-
    the Wilsonian pseudo-universalism - is compared with the dogmas of the
    Catholic Church. This ideology reconstructs and totalizes the world in
    a mold for American domination and hegemony. Thus the ideology of
    universalism is not only dogmatically-ecumenical to its essence, it is
    above all totalitarian. American political ideology is compared with
    political theology and as such it is not only totalitarian but also
    totalizing in Hegelian sense. (14)

    On the relationship between theology and technique he observes that
    both are totalitarian preserves. The theology is out of necessity
    totalitarian to both its substance and its consequences; the technique
    is totalitarian in its methods, out of its functionality. The result
    is always totalization. On the subject of the existential fate of man
    Schmitt remarks that the human being of today is exposed to the same
    fate as Kaspar Hauser. Several months latter he notes: The beautiful
    Nietzschean though: With wide shoulders the Room resists the
    Nothingness. Where Room exists, exists the Being.

    I disagree with Ellen Kennedy's assertion that Carl Schmitt created an
    expressionistic concept of the political in his book The Concept of
    the Political (15). I mention that only because also Jürgen Habermas
    advances a similar notion in his essay The horrors of autonomy: Carl
    Schmitt in English, published in the book The New Conservatism. (16)
    The political manifests itself in the collective organized
    self-assertion of a politically existing people against external and
    internal enemies... A people welded together in a battle for life and
    death asserts its uniqueness against both external enemies and
    traitors within its own ranks. The political extreme case is
    characterized in terms of the phenomenon of defining one's own
    identity in the struggle against the alienness of the enemy who
    threatens one's very existence, and thus in terms of the situation of
    war between people or civil war, writes Habermas and concludes that
    thus Schmitt created an expressionist concept of the political.

    Habermas, however, is misstaken. Rather, as Georg Lukacs has noted,
    Schmitt created an existentialist concept of the political, the nature
    of the state sovereignty and of the international la. (17) and if so
    only because the Versailles system was perceived by him as a threat to
    the national existence and the national substance of
    Germany. Therefore a concept of international law, preserving and
    defending the national existence was necessary, and that concept had a
    very strong Hegelian influences.

    A discussion on similarities between Hegel's and Schmitt's concepts of
    international law is clearly beyond the scope of this short
    review. However a few brief observations are necessary. Hegel defines
    the individuality of the sovereign state in the state's existence as a
    unit in a sharp distinction from other states. Only in preserving its
    uniqueness can a state maintain and preserve its sovereignty. Since
    the sovereignty of a state is the principle of its relations to other
    states, the rights of sovereign states are actualized only in their
    particular wills and not in an universal will with constitutional
    powers over them.

    Hegel rejected Kant's idea of an early League of Nations, a formalized
    Holy Alliance in the post-1815 Restoration Europe. Hegel claimed that
    the nature of the sovereignty was the right of a sovereign state to
    create and oppose an enemy. And whenever war breaks out because two
    sovereign states oppose each other, it is because two sets of rights,
    each legitimate in its own way, clash. Wars to Hegel are always
    clashes between two rights, not between right and wrong. Hence the
    outcome of a war never proves one side right and the other wrong. It
    only regulates which right will yield to the other. (18)

    Agness Heller has noted that Lukacs, Heidegger and Schmitt all focus
    on the concept of existential choice.

    The idea of collective existential choice thus emerged almost
    naturally in their closely similar visions and theoretical
    interests. The political appeared to them to identify the essence and
    existence in community. When a collective entity chooses itself and
    thus its own destiny, the political act par excellence has already
    been accomplished. In Lukacs it is the empirical proletariat, this
    merely economic class, which is bound to choose itself and thus its
    own destiny. The moment of proletarian revolution is the very moment
    of constituting the political. In Heidegger it is the nation, the
    empirical German nation, which is bound to become fully political in
    the gesture of self-choice. This is what happens in the German
    revolution which is a quintessential political gesture. (19)

    For Carl Schmitt it is also the empirical German nation as a
    collective entity, surrounded by alien entities, which must become
    political and thus emancipate itself from the dictates of
    Versailles. In History and Class Consciousness Georg Lukacs quotes
    Karl Marx words in Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right :

    When the proletariat proclaims the dissolution of the previous world
    order it does no more than reveal the secret of its own existence, for
    it represents the effective dissolution of that world order. The
    self-understanding of the proletariat is therefore simultaneously the
    objective understanding of the nature of society. When the proletariat
    furthers its own class-aims it simultaneously achieves the conscious
    realization of the objective aims in society, aims which would
    inevitably remain abstract possibilities and objective frontiers but
    for this conscious intervention... The proletariat makes its
    appearance as the product of the capitalist social order. The forms in
    which it exists are the repositories of reification in its accutest
    and direst form and they issue in the most extreme
    dehumanization. (20)

    In a sort of a paradoxical way one may compare the reificatory,
    dehumanizing effects of the commodity fetishism on the proletariat as
    a collective subject, as well as on the society, in the marxian
    tradition, with the dehumanizing effect of the Versailles system and
    its dictates on the German nation as a collective subject in Carl
    Schmitt's jurisprudence. (21)


    The Swedish model

    What I would have liked to see in the magazine is a discussion on two
    important issues: the historical tradition of the ideology of the
    Conservative Revolution in Sweden (22) as well as the relevance and
    actuality of that ideology today.

    The so called Swedish model was not only the most successful
    implementation of the ideology of the Conservative Revolution, but
    also the world's most advanced implementation of corporativist state,
    a model of political-economic organization known as
    corporativism. Sweden perfected the essential elements of the economic
    strategies employed in Italy and Germany in the interwar years. The
    particular type of society the Swedish social democracy created -
    Folkhemmet (Peoples Home,Volksstaat, a corporativist organic
    gemeinschaft) - was heralded as The Third Way, a social formation
    between liberal capitalism and Marxist socialism; a Swedish socialism
    analogous to the concept of Prussian socialism. (23)

    The concept of Folkhemmet was originally developed by the Swedish
    geopolitician Rudolf Kjellen in 1910 and it included two components -
    Realm (Reich) - the geographical component -, and Folk, the racial
    component. Folkhemmet was both a racial as well as a geographical
    concept, i.e. a racial existence of Volk in geopolitical space. In his
    book Kjellen The State as a Live Form (Staten som livsform )
    conceptualized the People's Home (Folkhemmet, Volksstaat) as a
    geopolitical construct.

    The foundation of the People's Home (Volksstaat) was laid after the
    Saltsjöbaden Agreement of 1938, concluded between the trade unions and
    the employer's association, which outlawed strikes and created the
    institution of centralized wage bargaining for the entire nation. The
    most obvious effect of the Saltsjöbaden agreement was the entrenchment
    of industrial peace, but the most profound consequence was the
    establishment of the corporative State. Through the Saltsjöbaden
    agreement, unions and employers, labor and capital, coalesced into a
    single corporate structure.

    Per Engdahl, the most prominent Swedish fascist and a personal friend
    of leading Social-Democratic politicians, such as the long-time Prime
    Minister Tage Erlander and the Finance Minister Gunnar Sträng,
    asserted in his memoirs Fribrytare i Folkhemmet that the creation of
    the People's Home has been the most successful realization of the
    political idea of corporativism.

    The ideology of the Swedish Social Democracy incorporated also many
    ideological völkisch components. The national substance of the
    Folkhemmet was a racially defined Folkgemenskap (Volksgemeinschaft,
    People's Community). (24) A nationalistic overtone was attached to the
    membership in the Folkgemenskap, members were exclusively those
    belonging to Den Svenska Folkstammen (Volkstum, Swedish Racial Group),
    minorities on the territory of Sweden, like the Tornedal Finns, were
    on the other hand excluded by virtue of not being members of the
    Volkstum. (25)

    The social democratic slogan of national and political unity became
    staten, rörelsen, folket (Staat, Bewegung, Volk (26); State, Movement,
    People), the organic totality of the state, the movement-the
    social-democratic party-, and the people. Sweden even constructed
    Scandinavia, and above all Finland and Norway, as a Swedish Grossraum,
    a small one but nevertheless a Grossraum. (After Karl XII The Great's
    Russian misadventures a Swedish Grossraum could not be anything but a
    miniature one.)

    The Swedish leading socialdemocratic jurist and the most prominent
    theoretician, Axel Hägerström, can be seen as a Swedish equivalent of
    Carl Schmitt. The criticism of Swedish legislation during the 70-ties
    stressed the non-normative, decisionist substance of the legislation,
    the use of the so called general clause as a legislative technic
    conferring to the legislation the character of promisses imperecta;
    attached to the law it served as a conduit of the decisionist free
    will of the civil servants, it had the function of a general exception
    to the normative use and substance of the legislation.

    Axel Hägerström equated power with law asserting that the structure of
    power is the structure of law. The state and the power are identical
    with the persons who exercise permanent, real power in such a way that
    their collective will becomes acknowledged as the will of the
    State. Upper bureaucracy, in Swedish ämbetsmän (higher civil servants)
    is identical with power and, consequently, also with the State. In
    consistency with this view Axel Hägerström wrote in Rätten och viljan
    (The Law and the Will) that: (27)

    The constitutional laws which regulate the actions of the highest
    holders of power and the limits of their sphere of power, should be
    regarded as standardization of declarations of will and thus the
    constitutional laws express the common will of those same power
    holders as having the actual power. Then, if one of them doesn t want
    to follow the laws in one aspect or another, the laws cease to have
    legal validity. An unconstitutional procedure by such holder of power
    (makthavare) is thus impossible. The constitution then also becomes,
    as far as it regulates the power holder's actions and sphere of power,
    without any legal meaning. It can also be said that the constitution,
    like every rule of law, ceases to have any legal meaning when it is no
    longer in use. In my opinion the constitutional laws are not
    applicable to the highest holders of power. They can proceed in any
    way they like and as far as they like, arbitrarily breaching the
    established law - this would not be against any of the provisions of
    the constitution from the viewpoint of the constitution's own meaning.

    According to the Carl Schmitt's maxim that sovereign is he who decides
    on the exception (28) the omnipotent sovereign in the Swedish People's
    Home became the ämbetsmän, resulting, as critics claimed, in an
    absolutist civil servant state. (29)

    Folkhemmet, the Swedish People's Home, in now, during the 90-ties
    gone, replaced by an American style economic liberalism. The new
    liberal-economic universalism turned however in reality to be an
    accelerated economic Thatcherism, resulting in a sharply lowered
    living standards for the majority of the Swedish population, in
    dismantling of the protective social security and labor legislation,
    in economic destabilization, decline of culture and increase of
    criminality. The Swedish economy, once a prototype for many countries,
    is now in shambles.

    The prominent Swedish economist Professor Rudolf Meidner defines the
    demise of the Peoples Home as a System Shift. The economic
    consequences of this system shift are the dismantling of the welfare
    state, privatization of state monopolies, abandoning of the policy of
    full employment, upsurge of non-productive speculative investment,
    resulting in destabilization of the economy and substantial loss of
    jobs in manufacturing. The system shift required an assault on the
    core institutions sustaining wage earner solidarity, especially the
    system of nationwide collective bargaining through which the unions
    had pursued their solidaristic wage strategy. (30)

    Decentralization of the collective bargaining, which has obtained
    since the Saltsjöbaden Agreement, led to a gradual destruction of the
    institution through which wage solidarity had been pursued. The system
    shift-the counterrevolution of universalism-has led to assault on
    labor unions, labor laws, labor movement and social welfare, in short
    on all that traditionally has been associated in Sweden with
    substantive human rights.

    Rudolf Meidner states that deregulation of currency flows and
    regulations pertaining to investments abroad has resulted not only in
    substantial capital outflow abroad and transferal of Swedish companies
    abroad in the name of multinationalism, with sharp decrease of job
    opportunities and employment in Sweden, but also in a virtual
    deindustrialization of the country and pauperization of large segments
    of the population. Should the tendencies emanating from the system
    shift continue the institutional underpinnings of working class
    solidarity and, more broadly, the alliance of wage earners (i.e. blue
    and white collar workers) will have been demolished. In other words,
    what are at stake are the very political foundations of the
    model. (31)

    In retrospect the omnipotence and fiats of the concrete social
    democratic ämbetsmän - the Swedish Nomenclatura - appear as very
    benevolent in comparison to the omnipotence and fiats of the abstract
    capital.

    In a way one may say that after the fall of the Berlin wall of the
    People's Home and the intrusion of Americanism, the resulting
    experience of life is that of allmänt förjävligande, an expression
    which is difficult to translate but corresponds to a general backlash,
    a decline and worsening of the structures of the Life-World, a sort of
    a ground-zero. That is why Göran Dahl and Carl-Göran Heidegren write
    at the end of their introduction that:

    Our time, in similarity with the Weimar epoch, is a time of conflict,
    crisis and transition. The optimism from 1989 has, confronting the
    development in Russia and Yugoslavia, been substituted with a total
    pessimism. In turbulent epochs the old concepts no longer can grasp
    the reality. And the perception of an unstructured reality is a
    fertile soil for new or old-new ideas to sprout. Whatever one thinks
    about the idea of the Conservative Revolution, we believe it is an
    idea to take into account in the future.

    And that brings us to the relevancy of the idea of Conservative
    Revolution in the post-Cold War period, the epoch after the D-Day of
    the American pseudo-universalism.

    The ideological and above all political phenomenon of Conservative
    Revolution can not be correctly understood without taking into account
    the three historical traumas: the trauma of The God is dead, which
    Nietzsche heralded, the trauma of the W.W.I and the trauma of the
    Treaty of Versailles and the world order, tailored after Anglo-Saxon
    dominance, it created.

    In many aspects Carl Schmitt's jurisprudence, his criticism of the
    Wilsonian pseudo-universalism and his definition of the enemy, can be
    seen as an ongoing polemic against the Versailles Treaty, its prodigy-
    the League of Nations-, and the inner England - seen outward as an
    Anglo-Saxon world domination and inward in the political institutions
    as well as in the cultural values of the Anglo-Saxon liberal
    capitalism: liberal democracy and parliamentarianism.

    The resurgence of the ideological tendencies in Europe now, similar to
    the Conservative Revolution in the past, can in many respects be seen
    as a reaction to a similar trauma of the American New World Order,
    perceived as a threat to existing state sovereignties, national
    identities and national culture. What was once defined as rejection of
    the inner England is now a rejection of the inner America.

    One can paraphrase Oswald Spengler's words in Preussentum und
    Socialismus: Europe as political and cultural entity stands against
    America within us, against the world view which has penetrated the
    whole existence of people's in Europe, paralyzed it, and robbed it of
    its soul. All that being said, its is obvious that one can not talk
    about American Conservative Revolution because the original
    Conservative Revolution was anti Anglo-Saxon then and is anti-American
    now.

    In this context, as a political as well as an ideological alternative
    to the New World Order, the concept of Europe as a New World has been
    constructed in above all French debate. The substance of this concept
    is the notion of reversal of historical roles: when the original
    Monroe Doctrine was pronounced in 1823, America was conceived as a New
    World in opposition to Europe of the Holly Alliance - the Old
    World. In the 90-ties the positions have become reversed.

    United States is the interventionist world of old values, of the
    past-the Old World; the New Europe on the other hand, Europe from the
    Atlantic to the Urals, and further, to Vladivostok, is the New World,
    the world of the future. And it is an existential imperative for the
    New World to reject and oppose the interference and interventionism of
    the Old World, which by necessity leads to a formulation of a Monroe
    Doctrine for Europe. Because if the New World is not the negation of
    the Old World, but to a great extend integrated in it, then the new
    political forms and national entities are confronted with a situation
    where authentic expression of national life exists but can not be
    attached to a particular form of ideological resistance, political
    expression and national substance.

    In the intellectual climate of the post-Cold War Europe not only the
    ideas of Europe as a New World, but also elaborations of the ideology
    of the Conservative Revolution, by virtue of their otherness, can
    stand against the homogenizing, neutralizing impact of the Old World,
    against the American managers of ideological oppression and their
    clients and customers. The threatening ideological homogeneity of the
    American totalitarian political theology and its prodigy - the
    American universalism - has been loosening up, and alternatives are
    beginning to break into the repressive continuum.

    The notion of Europe as a New World and alternative ideologies such as
    the ideology of the Conservative Revolution, are therefore not only a
    firm rejection of the American jargon of universalism but also an
    expression of growing opposition to the global domination of the
    American New World Order.

    Francis Fukuyama recently asserted in a deeply apologetical book (32)
    that Americanism constituted the end point of mankind's ideological
    evolution and the final form of human government and as such
    constituted the end of history. The historical actuality of the
    contemporary resurgence of the ideology of the interwar Conservative
    Revolution is then situated in the existential necessity to recapture
    the history - the powerful humanizing and liberating force of its
    continuing evolution. In a critical historical period in Europe when
    the old is no more but the new is not yet, the recapturing of the
    history is possible only if one follows the old Nietzschean maxim
    expressed in the Genealogy of Morals: No American Future. (33)


    Endnotes

    (1) Carl Schmitt's book The Concept of the Political has also been
    translated into Swedish and published as a part in Sven-Erik Lidman
    (ed) - Från Machiavelli till Habermas (Bonniers, Stockholm, 1991).

    (2) Göran Dahl, who is a professor in sociology at the University of
    Lund and responsible for the Carl Schmitt's part in the issue, has
    written works in the tradition of the German so called Hannover School
    of Socialization which in many respects build on and develop the
    Lukacs tradition of subjectivist Marxism. One of his most interesting
    papers is Individ och Kapital. Till begripandet av den subjectiva
    faktorn under kapitalismen (Tekla, 6/1979, Lund) which is a
    presentation of Alfred Crovoza's ideas on the political dimension of
    societal socialization and the interrelationship between commodity
    fetishism and socialization (Alfred Crovoza-Production und
    Socialization, EVA, 1976). Other books written by Dahl are Begär och
    kritik (1986) and Psykoanalys och kulturkritik (1992). Carl-Göran
    Heidegren has published Filosofi och revolution. Hegels väg till
    visdom (1984) and Hegel. Behovet av filosofin (1992)

    (3) Göran Dahl and Carl-Göran Heidegren - Den magiska nollpunkten,
    ResRublica - at p. 7. Derived from the idea of Reich is Carl Schmitt's
    concept of Grossraum and a world order build on a plurality of
    Grossräume. see Grossraum versus Universalismus in Positionen und
    Begriffe - p.p. 295-302. Carl Schmitt defines the empire as the
    leading and supporting powers whose political idea is radiated over a
    specified major territory and which fundamentally exclude the
    intervention of extra-territorial powers with regard to this
    territory. see Der Reichsbegrif im Völkerrecht in Positionen und
    Begriffe - p. 303. It is also interesting to note the resurrection of
    the concept of Empire in Russia in contemporary Russian Conservative
    Revolutionary debate. see for example the Chairman of the
    National-Republican Party Nikolaj Lysenko's work Nasha celj sozdanie
    velikoj imperii - in Nash Sovremennik, Nr 9, 1992 (Moscow)
    p.p. 122-130, Alexander Dugins contributions on the subject in the
    Journal Ele! menty and also the program of the Russian
    National-Bolshevik Party. Recently the concept of The Third Russia,
    reminiscent of Moeller van den Bruck's Das Dritte Reich, has been
    advanced in the National Conservative debate in Russia.

    (4) Thomas Mann - Reflections of a Nonpolitical Man (Frederick Ungar
    Publishing, Co., New York, 1983) at p. 256.. Thomas Mann quotes
    Dostoevski who wrote that The most characteristic, most essential
    trait of this great, proud, and special people has always been, since
    the first moment of its appearance in the historical world, that it
    has never, neither in its destiny nor in its principles, wanted to be
    united with the far Western World - ibid. p. 26

    (5) Thomas Mann - ibid. p. 36

    (6) the anti-West and pro Russian orientation had many supporters
    within the German General Staff-General von Seeckt is the most
    prominent representative-, and within the Foreign Ministry - the so
    called group of Osterners, the architects of the Rappalo Treaty. One
    may recall that already Nietzsche in the Genealogy of Morals had
    envisioned a political union between Germany and Russia.

    (7) England was ideologically conceived as a nation of shopkeepers.

    (8) Vierzehn Thesem der Deutschen Revolution in Wilhelm Mommsen and
    Günther Frantz Die Deutschen Partej-Programme (Leipzig and Berlin,
    1931), p. 118.

    (9) George L. Mosse - The Crisis of German Ideology (Closet & Dunlap,
    New York,1964) p.288.

    (10) Here a quote from Peter Gay Weimar Culture (Harper Torchbooks,
    New York, 1970) p.86

    (11) George L. Mosse - The Crisis of German Ideology (Closet & Dunlap,
    New York, 1964) p.6,7

    (12) Georg Lukacs - The Destruction of Reason (Humanities Press,
    Atlantic Highlights, 1981) - at p.402

    (13) Louis Dupeux - Conservative Revolution and Modernity in
    ResPublica - p.p. 140-169

    (14) Totalitarianism can be defined from the point of view of what is
    the constituting, totalizing principle of society: Race (Nazism),
    Class (Marxism), Abstract Capital (Liberal capitalism, American
    universalism.) On the political aspects of the American
    totalitarianism Carl Schmitt has written in Grossraum gegen
    Universalismus.


    (15) Ellen Kennedy - Kulturkritiska och metafysiska källor till
    begreppet det politiska hos Carl Schmitt - in ResPublica -
    pp. 96-116. Carl Schmitt's jurisprudence could be possibly called
    expressionistic only in a context of Wilhelm Worringer's theories
    developed in his book Formprobleme der Gotic (1911) in which he
    counterpoised the rebellious, governed by a metaphysical restlessness
    German Geist, best expressing itself in the form of Gothic, to the
    balanced Roman Geist, expressing itself in the form of Classicism, in
    the form of the Renaissance. Different late interpretation of Wilhelm
    Worringers theories tended to see the Expressionism in the same way
    Wilhelm Worringer saw the style of Gothic﷓ as an expression of
    metaphysical restlessness immanent in the German Geist.

    (16) Jürgen Habermas-The New Conservatism (The MIT Press, Cambridge,
    1990) - pp. 128-139

    (17) see Georg Lukacs-The Destruction of Reason (Humanities Press,
    Atlantic Highlands, 1981) - at p. 658.

    (18) see G.W.F. Hegel - Philosophy of Right (Oxford University Press,
    London, 1967) - at p.p. 208-216; also Sclomo Avineri - Hegel's Theory
    of the Modern State (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1989) - at
    p.p. 194-207

    (19) Agnes Heller - The Concept of the Political Revisited in David
    Held (ed) - Political Theory Today (Stanford University Press,
    Stanford, 1991) - at p. 334.

    (20) Georg Lukacs - History and Class Consciousness (The MITT Press,
    Cambridge, 1985) - at p. 149.

    (21) it is interesting to note that the reception of Carl Schmitt as
    well as the ideology of the Conservative Revolution in Russia are
    focused on the existential predicament of Russia - with the post-Cold
    War settlement compared to a Second Treaty of Versailles-, and the
    necessity of decision to repeal the dehumanizing impact and aliennes
    of the American New World Order.

    (22) the elements of the predominant Swedish Völkische ideology during
    the 20-ties are discussed in Rolf Torstendahl - Mellan nykonservatism
    och liberalism (Uppsala, 1969)

    (23) Oswald Spengler defined the Prussian Socialism build on alliance
    of conservatives and socialist toward a common aim - a corporativism
    as a truly German form of government. Politische Schriften
    (Munich,1932) p. 64

    (24) see also Rudolf Kjellen Staten som livsform (Hugo Gebers Förlag,
    Stockholm, 1916).

    (25) In the Swedish government's bill in the Rikstag (Parliament)
    introducing the 1927 Immigration Law it was stated that the value of
    the homogenous and pure race of the people of our country can not be
    overestimated (see Thomas Hammar-Sverige åt svenskarna, Stockholm
    1964, at p. 367; also Hans Lindberg - Svensk flyktingpolik under
    internationellt tryck 1936-1941, Allmäna förlaget, Stockholm, 1973, at
    p. 37) The main function of the 1927 Immigration Law was to protect
    the racial purity of the Swedish Volkstum.

    How strong those sentiments remained can be illustrated with the
    following conversation about the status of minorities in Sweden I had
    with Gunnar Myrdal in 1974. He had written An American Dilemma,
    dealing with the minority question in the United States. I, on the
    other hand, had published in 1974 a longer essay Invandrarfrågan-ett
    svenskt dilemma (The Minority Question. A Swedish Dilemma). During the
    course of the conversation I suggested that in similiarity and analogy
    with the Finland-Svenska Folkpartiet i Finland (Finnish-Swedish
    Peoples Party in Finland), representing the Swedish minority in
    Finland, the minorities in Sweden and above all the Tornedal-Finns (a
    large Finish minority in Sweden) should form their own party. Gunnar
    Myrdal became red in the face and exclaimed: Minorities can and must
    exist only in total integration in the majority society. God protect
    them if the minorities will start organizing their own party. That
    will be a suicide for them.

    And even today Swedish law does not recognize the concept (and
    existence) of minorities in Sweden. (see Gustaf Petren-Minoriternas
    rättsställning i Sverige in David Schwarz - Identitet och minoritet,
    Almquist&Wiksell förlag, Stockholm, 1971, at p. 28)

    (26) see Carl Schmitt - Staat, Bewegung, Volk: Die Dreigliederung der
    politischen Einheit (Hamburg, 1933)

    (27) Axel Hägerström - Rätten och viljan (Lund, 1961) - at p. 71

    (28) Carl Schmitt - Political Theology (The MIT Press, Cambridge,
    1988) - p. 5

    (29) see Nikolaj-Klaus von Kreitor - Beamtendiktatur - auf Schwedisch
    (Demokratie und Recht 4/1979, Pahl-Rugenstein Verlag, Köln, 1979);
    Nikolaj-Klaus von Kreitor-Das Ausnahmegesetz - das schwedische Model
    der repressiven Gesetzgebung (Democratie und Recht 4/1979);
    Nikolaj-Klaus von Kreitor - Schweden bricht das Abkommen von Helsinki
    (Frankfurter Hefte 9/1980, Frankfurt, 1980); Nikolaj-Klaus von Kreitor
    - Das schwedische Model... der Zenzsur (Blätter für deutsche und
    internationale Politik 10/1978, Pahl-Rugenstein Verlag, Köln, 1978);
    Nikolaj-Klaus von Kreitor - Berufsverbot en Suecia (Argumentos
    27/1979, Madrid, Spain 1979); Nikolaj-Klaus von
    Kreitor-Undantagslagen: Skyddar högre ämbetsmän. Kränker fri - och
    rättigheter (Jusek, 4/1980, Stockholm, 1980); Nikolaj-Klaus von
    Kreitor-Undantagslagen och rättsstatens kris (Svensk rättsforum, 18,
    1979, Lund, 1979); Nikolaj-Klaus von Kreitor - Målsägandetalan mot
    höga ämbetsmän upphävd (Oikeus 2/1979, Helsinki, 1979 and
    Medborgarrättsrörelsen 4/1979, Stockholm, 1979); Nikolaj-Klaus von
    Kreitor-Folkhemsmytens nedgang och fall. Charta 79 och den
    demokratiska oppositionen i Sverige (Soihtu 5/1980. Helsinki, 1980);
    Nikolaj-Klaus von Kreitor -Undantagslagen - ett exempel på repressiv
    lagstiftning (Retfaerd-Scandinavian Law Review 11/1979, Arhus 1979,
    Denmark); Nikolaj-Klaus von Kreitor-Kansankodin
    kuokavieras. Omaelämäkerralinen ruotsalaisen yhteiskunnan
    korporativismen kritiikki (Gummerus Förlag, Jyväskylä, Finland, 1980).

    see also the recently published book by Stephan Wehowsky (introduction
    by Christian Graf von Krockow)-Schatten Gesellschaft (Hanser Verlag,
    München, 1994)

    (30) Rianne Mahon and Rudolf Meidner - System Shift ; or What is the
    Future of Swedish Social Democracy, Socialist Review at p. 65 (31)
    Rianne Manon and Rudolf Meidner - System Shift - ibid. p. 63 (32)
    Francis Fukuyama-The End of History (Avon Books, New York, 1992)

    (33) The Philosophy of Nietzsche (Modern Library, New York, 1954)
    p. 802
    Last edited by Julius; Wednesday, February 4th, 2004 at 01:27 PM.

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    Post Re: Conservative Revolution in Sweden

    I like your posts about Sweden. Thanks for all the time you take to increase our knowledge. Keep up the good work by posting all these interesting articles and essays!

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