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    "Expansion and World Mission of the Anglo-Saxon Master Race in America"

    Some more info on American racialism. As I said before, we literally pioneered the concept. Ditto for Nordicism. The Nazis were simply crude imitators. The Third Reich was only around for twelve years. The United States was a racialist nation for over a century.

    "You talk of carrying to all the races of the world your institutions, your religion, your arts and sciences. You can no more do it than you can give to all the races your color, form, and development." --Senator John Pettit, February 23, 1855


    In the years after the Mexican War some questioned the new racial assumptions, many were wary of force, and a majority did not want colonies, but most thought that American commerce could penetrate the world and that the Anglo-Saxons could outbreed other races. The supreme confidence in the racial strength of white America was accompanied by the desire that this special race and its government should not be tainted and weakened by any inferior peoples. What had once been merely felt was now backed by the best scientific evidence -- nations and peoples could lose their greatness by mixing with inferior races. Some of these inferior races were destined to serve, others to disappear. For races within the United States the degree to which these special ideas of progress had permeated American thinking was clearly revealed by the debates on slavery and on the status of the areas acquired from Mexico, and for races in the rest of the world by the debates and writings on the nature of American overseas expansion.

    In defending slavery Southerners and their friends were able to draw on racial assumptions that were generally accepted throughout the United States. George Fitzhugh, in his Sociology for the South and in his earlier newspaper articles, carefully characterized the Anglo-Saxon as well as the African race. At the core of Fitzhugh's argument was the point that blacks freed from slavery would be destroyed by competition with the Anglo-Saxons. "It is the boast of the Anglo-Saxon," wrote Fitzhugh, "that by the arts of peace under the influence of free trade he can march to universal conquest." Whether or not that could be accompanied, it was known by everyone that when Englishmen or Americans settled among "inferior races" they soon became the owners of the soil and "gradually extirpate or reduce to poverty the original owners. They are the wire-grass of nations." The law of nature which "enables and impels the stronger race to oppress and exterminate the weaker" operated between the stronger and weaker members in every society. If the Negro continued to be property he could be saved, for no people on earth loved and cherished property more than the Anglo-Saxons.

    Although Fitzhugh's basic purpose was to defend slavery, he was clearly casting his arguments within the framework of the new scientific and political "realism" regarding race. "The Indian, like the savage races of Canaan, is doomed to extermination," he wrote, "and those who most sympathize with his fate would be the first to shoot him if they lived on the frontier." Under God's direction some races were exterminated, some were enslaved: "This is all right, because it is necessary." Southern defenders of slavery were convinced that the free black population was falling prey to disease and mental illness. "Like the aboriginies of this country," said Representative Seaborn James of Georgia about the free Negroes in 1847, "they will dwindle into numerical nothingness before the onward march of the Anglo-Saxon race."

    It was generally agreed that the blacks could be improved only by an admixture of white blood, and this was clearly unthinkable; existing miscegenation in the South was generally ignored. Charles Brown of Pennsylvania said in the House of Representatives that complete equality could be brought about only by amalgamation of the races, but this was not "desired by any sane member of the European branch of the American family. It is too monstrous to think of, and would lead to a degeneracy of the whole people of this country as, in a brief period, to cause them to fall before some invading, superior, and purer northern nation or people, in the same way the Indians have fallen, and the mixed breeds south of us must be certainly hereafter fall before us." Representative Orlando B. Ficklin of Illinois discussed the impossibility of a multiracial society's existing without slavery. Free Negroes should be sent to Africa, for in the United States they were overpowered by "a superior race." Ficklin had no hesitation in speaking of his whole region: "The people of my State, (Illinois,) and the people of Indiana, and other of the northwestern States, have no more desire to see th negroes raised to an equality with the whites than the people of South Carolinia, Louisiana, or the most ultra of the slaveholding States."

    Since the 1830s the pervasive quality of antiblack feeling had become obvious throughout the free states, even among many people who opposed the institution of slavery. Tocqueville commented that race prejudice appeared far stronger in the free than the slave states and said it was strongest of all in those states where there had never been slavery. "In the United States," he said, "people abolish slavery for the sake not of the Negroes but of the white men." When in the 1830s abolitionists appeared to be advocating both the end of slavery and the incorporation of the blacks into white society, antiabolitionist violence swept the northern cities. Only when it became clear in the 1840s that opposition to slavery and to slave expansion did not have to mean a defense of black equality did the violence die down.

    When the Free-Soil party developed in the late 1840s, it included some who wanted an expansion of Negro rights, but it was also strongly influenced by those who thought the blacks inferior and wished to preserve the territories for the free white working man. The Free-Soilers were able to achieve more general support by omitting from their platform planks calling for black equality. Many of the abolitionists within the Free-Soil party were unable to escape the now all-pervasive belief in a superior white race. While the movement opposing the extension of slavery gained ground in the late 1840s and early 1850s, racial discrimination against blacks increased in many northern states; and although the Republican party contained many who defended Negro rights, its general political appeal depended on separating the attack on slave expansion from the equality issue. Debates on slave expansion in the 1850s revolved as much around the issue of preventing blacks from degrading new white areas as they did around the issue of the evils of slavery.

    Discussion of slavery and the territories in the 1850s also clearly revealed the extent to which the new scientific "proofs" of racial inequality had permeated the attitudes of members of Congress. They consciously rejected the egalitarianism of the Revolutionary era, used as their authority the findings of the new science, and argued that there was a fixed relationship between races. Senator John Pettit of Indiana commented that in the Declaration of Independence and other documents it was maintained that all men were created equal: "I hold it to be a self-evident lie." God elected some to everlasting life, some to eternal damnation. This applied to nations and races as well as to individuals: "Let the races have their run. Let them in their turn be swept from the face of the earth." Racial mixture was ruinous to a nation. Other races had to be enslaved, controlled or exterminated, not regenerated: "You talk of carrying to all the races of the world your institutions, your religion, your arts and sciences. You can no more do it than you can give to all the races your color, form, and development." Representative Thomas L. Clingman of North Carolina told his colleagues that there had been a "prodigious advance in knowledge" since Jefferson's time. The whole doctrine of Negro equality had been exploded, "not merely in the South, but throughout the United States." Almost all "the great men of science" now maintained that the Negro race was distinct. Lemuel D. Evans of Texas demonstrated a knowledge of Nott, Bodichon, Latham, and Malte-Brun in discussing slavery in America, and Andrew P. Butler of South Carolina told the Senate that "inequality pervades the creation of this universe."

    The possibility of black equality or black participation in republican government was rejected by most Northerners as well as most Southerners in the 1850s. Only a bloody war, total victory, and the occupation of the defeated South temporarily brought blacks within the political system, and the degradation of the blacks after 1876 stemmed naturally from the assumptions of the prewar years.

    The degree to which American republicanism was interpreted as white Anglo-Saxon republicanism was also made clear in the arguments over the territories acquired from Mexico in 1848. The condemnations of the "debased" population of New Mexico, which had been common before 1846, were reiterated after American troops occupied the region. In the Senate in March 1848 Daniel Webster lamented the uselessness of New Mexico and its people -- a people "infinitely less elevated in mind and condition that the people of the Sandwich Islands." Senator James D. Westcott of Florida was appalled that some might so interpret the treaty of cession from Mexico, which made the inhabitants of New Mexico and California citizens of the United States, as to include the colored races. Echoing Calhoun he said "our governments were governments of the white race," and the political inferiority of blacks and Indians was "a fundamental principle of the Government." He was obviously perturbed, as were many others, that the Mexicans had permitted mixed bloods to participate as citizens in the government of their northern provinces. He objected to the possibility of being "compelled to receive not merely the white citizens of California and New Mexico, but the peons, negroes, and Indians of all sorts, the wild tribe of Camaches, the bug-and-lizard-eating 'Diggers,' and other half-monkey savages in those countries, as equal citizens of the United States." It soon became apparent that many "Anglo-Saxons" were prepared to accept only a few inhabitants of the Spanish West and Southwest as white.

    The creation in 1850 of the territory of New Mexico as part of the general sectional compromise of that year was regarded with many misgivings. Thomas H. Bayley of Virginia told the House of Representatives in July 1850 that he would never agree to the admission of New Mexico as a state until the character and numbers of its population made it possible. To many this would happen only when American Anglo-Saxons predominated in the region. Territorial Governor William Carr in December 1852 told his legislative assembly at Sante Fe that it should "obey the obvious dictate of common sense" and not resist American Manifest Destiny. They should "embark upon the Anglo-Saxon wave which is now rolling from East to West, across the Continent, and ultimately prosper, instead of attempting to resist it, and perish." Just how they were to ride the wave was unclear.

    TBC
    The Phora

    "There are no principles; there are only events. There is no good and bad, there are only circumstances. The superior man espouses events and circumstances in order to guide them. If there were principles and fixed laws, nations would not change them as we change our shirts and a man can not be expected to be wiser than an entire nation."
    —Honoré de Balzac

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    Some more interesting info here. I suspect that Loki will enjoy this. I will post more later on how the Anglo-Saxons pioneered modern racialism, Nordicism, and eugenics and exported all of the above to Europe.

    "Most revealing of the general American attitudes regarding Spanish-American peoples in general were the reactions of Delegate Richard H. Weightman of New Mexico. Weightman, who had been born in Washington, D.C. and who was educated in Virginia and at the United States Military Academy, resented the assertions that non-Anglo-Saxons were unfit to participate in the American government. When President Fillmore pointed out that it would be dangerous to take Cuba because of the differences in the race and character of the inhabitants, Weightman challenged the view that "differences of race, of differences of language, or any other sort of differences, were detrimental to us as a people." He went on to defend his constituents, arguing that though a large majority had Spanish and Indian ancestry mingled generations before, they had no need to be "ashamed of their blood." If he had wanted to convince the people of New Mexico that the government and the people of the United States looked upon them with "repugnance and contempt," he said, he would have acted as this administration had acted. Weightman understood well the racial ingredients in the discussions of American expansion, and he said it was worthy of remark that "the argument about 'kindred races,' while it cuts off Cuban and all Mexican annexation, favors Canadian annexation." The American mission was all too clearly restricted to pure Caucasians, preferably Anglo-Saxon.

    The early history of California also exhibited to the full the manner in which most Americans were determined that their political system should be reserved for white, Anglo-Saxons. The deabtes in the California constitutional convention in 1849 demonstrated in practical form the nature of the fears surrounding the opposition to the All-Mexico Movement in 1847. A basic problem in the discussion was the question of who could vote, for "Anglo-Saxons" were considerably perturbed at the number of Mexicans with Indian blood who had previously participated as citizens. When it was recommended that all male citizens of Mexico who had become citizens of the United States could vote, this was quickly countered by an amendment which aimed to restrict the suffrage to "white" male citizens. The proposer argued that his object was to exclude "the inferior races of mankind" -- particularly blacks and Indians. Blacks had few defenders, there was even an effort to exclude free Negroes from the state, and the problem of which Californians were "white" caused a bitter debate. Some wanted to exclude "wild Indians" but would let mixed Spanish and Indians vote; some even spoke of the Indians as an old noble race and argued in earlier nineteenth-century terms of the desirability of civilization and assimilation. But the eventual compromise left the possibility in special cases Indians might vote if approved by a two-thirds legislative majority. In practice blacks and obvious Indians were excluded. Spanish-Americans, of whatever blood, usually found themselves grossly discriminated against.

    While the ex-Mexicans and their converts were degraded, the "wild" Indians of California were, in the 1850s, treated with an unsurpassed brutality. In the previous twenty years the Indians had been dehumanized. The hunting down and the murdering of the Indians in California was made easier by the popular assumption that the elimination of the Indians was inevitable. In 1851 the United States commissioners met with the Indians and obtained much of the state of California, but left the Indians some eight and one-half million acres in reservations. The Californians bitterly objected to this policy. They wanted more. They wanted everything. The California Assembly asked that the Indians be removed from the state and requested the California senators in Washington to work toward this end. In a minority report of the California Senate, J.J. Warner pointed out that the Indians had nowhere to go, and that the Californians might leave the Indians where they lived "were it not for that spirit of occupation and appropriation so irresistable to our race." If the United States would not seek to elevate the Indians, said Warner, it should at least tolerate their existence: "Has the love of gold blotted from our minds all feelings of compassion or justice?"

    It was to no avail. The United States Senate rejected the treaties with the Californian Indians and left the Indians at the mercy of the Californians. Eventually in the 1850s smaller reservations were worked out, but in the meantime the prophecy uttered by California Governor Peter H. Burnett in his annual message of 1851 rapidly became reality: "That a war of extermination will continue to be waged between the two races until the Indian race becomes extinct, mut be expected; while we cannot anticipate this result with but painful regret, the inevitable destiny of the race is beyond the power and wisdom of man to avert." In the California of the 1850s the rhetoric of the 1840s became reality: an "inferior" Indian "race" was hastened to its grave as part of the expansive mission of the Anglo-Saxon race.

    The rejection of "inferior" races as equal participants in the American republican system, combined with the assumptions of constant Anglo-Saxon growth, permeated American discussions of their world role in the years after the Mexican War. A minority argued that this meant that Americans would have to settle other regions, act as a ruling elite, and create a colonial empire or sister republics, but the majority thought that a vigorous commerical penetration of the globe would create immense wealth while allowing the Anglo-Saxons to outbreed and replace a variety of other races. The most pressing dilemmas existed in regard to those regions that were possible areas for immediate United States expansion. It was much easier to dream of transformation in the distant Pacific, where there was not immediate problem of control, than in Cuba or South America, where the United States might suddenly find itself in the possession of regions heavily populated by "inferior" races.

    TBC
    The Phora

    "There are no principles; there are only events. There is no good and bad, there are only circumstances. The superior man espouses events and circumstances in order to guide them. If there were principles and fixed laws, nations would not change them as we change our shirts and a man can not be expected to be wiser than an entire nation."
    —Honoré de Balzac

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    You must have an excellant collection of books in your library, Fade. For the life of me, I have never heard of any of the American Racialists that you make such good posts over.






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    If the Confederacy had survived, there is a very good chance it would have set about conquering Central America.

    "In the 1850s there were only two main groups that were willing to accept actual American colonial rule over "inferior" populations: the ardent supporters of slave expansion and the Democratic "Young America" group. The colonialists were never in a majority and were badly hurt by the linking of colonialism with the expansion of slavery. The movement promoting expansion and rule over Central and South America and the whole Caribbean region were seen by some ardent Southerners as a means of giving greater strength to the South within the union or even as the basis for a distinct southern nation. Many of those who advocated such a movement, though willing to accept immediate colonialism, often incorporated the more general idea that the existing mixed races would eventually fade away before the Anglo-Saxons and their black slaves. The whole of Latin America, like Mexico, was viewed as an area that had been ruined by racial mongrelization and subsequent misrule. "The law of progress -- of national growth, of very necessity -- that has carried us to the Gulf of Mexico and to the Pacific Ocean, will continue to impel us onward," wrote Northerner John Van Evrie in his defense of slavery in 1853, "and to restore the rapidly perishing civilization of the great tropical center of the continent." Advocates of expansion southward thought of a new civilization emerging, a civilization that in population and culture would recreate the southern plantation states.

    As in the case of the annexation of Texas in the 1840s, some Southerners were prepared to argue that expansion to the South would save rather than destroy the union and ultimately would solve the problem of slavery. A kew figure in this argument was the naval scientist Matthew F. Maury of the National Observatory in Washington, D.C. Beleiving that the acquisition of additional contiguous territory from Mexico would break up the union, Maury placed his hopes in the development of a great new republic along the Amazon and its tributaries and on the commerical development of the whole Caribbean region. Maury depicted the Gulf of Mexico as a future Mediterranean clustered about by a white ruling class and an African slave population -- and with an isthmian canal and highways linking the oceans and giving the United States the commerce of Europe and Asia. In this scheme the valley of the Amazon would become of vital importance, and Maury asked who would people it: "Shall it be peopled with an imbecile and indolent people, or by a go ahead race that has energy and enterprise equal to subdue the forest and to develop and bring forth the vast resources that lay hidden there?" When the United States government obtained the right to navigate the Amazon, nothing would prevent "American citizens from the free, as well as from the slave States, from going there with their goods and chattels to settle and to revolutionize and republicanize and Anglo-Saxonize that valley." The new republic would provide a safety valve for southern states overpopulated with slaves.

    Maury attempted to promote his Amazon project by arguing that blacks would be siphoned off to the South, but some Southerners in their enthusiasm for expansion into the whole Caribbean region completely forfeited the possibility of general national support by ardently espousing the expansion of the slave system as an end in itself and even by supporting the reopening of the African slave trade. Mexico, Central and South America, Cuba, and the West Indies were all talked of as the likely beneficiaries of an expanding southern slave system, and a variety of southern opportunists either proposed or led filibustering expeditions to take over parts of Latin America for a possible recreation of the southern system.

    More than any other area Cuba attracted southern interest in the 1850s, and though the issue of acquiring the island was dominated by the sectional split between North and South, the controversy was also revealing of the constraints placed on American expansion by the new racial ideas. Since early in the century Cuba had been viewed in the United States as the one noncontiguous area that clearly belonged with the American system. Some congressmen had suggested obtaining Cuba even before the Mexican War began, and in the spring of 1848 the cabinet seriously began to discuss the purchase of the island. As in the case of Yucatan, the danger of the island's falling into the possession of England was raised by Polk as a reason for its acquisition. Robert J. Walker, as usual, favored any new increase in territory, but immediately problems arose that went beyond the question of the extension of slavery. Cave Johnson, the postmaster general and a Tennessean, "had objections to incorporating the Spanish population of Cuba into our Union." After considerable discussion the cabinet decided to attempt secret negotiations to buy Cuba for one hundred million dollars. Secretary of State James Buchanan went along with this plan, although he had qualms both about the sectional implications of the purchase and about how the population of the island would be governed. His solution was that the island would have to "be Americanized, -- as Louisiana had been," but he never explained how he expected to get enough white Anglo-Saxon Americans to Cuba.

    Polk's effort to buy Cuba failed -- the Spanish did not want to sell -- but there was considerable American interest in the acquisition of the island throughout the 1850s. Much of this interest was in the South, particularly after the Kansas-Nebraska Act preciptated vigorous debate on the subject of the expansion of slavery, but there was also northern support. In the North the massive stumbling block to the acquisition of the island was the enhancement of slave power, but in both North and South the presence of a numerous, supposedly unassimilable population brought resistance to expansion in that area. Northern Free Soiler James Sheperd Pike expressed a common opinion succinctly in 1853 when he wrote that the United States did not want a territory that was filled "with black, mixed, degraded, and ignorant, or inferior races." Northerners did not want a slave empire in Cuba, but they also had no desire to see fre Cubans as citizens of the American Republic.

    Even in the South, where it could be seen that the acquisition of Cuba would provide a major addition to southern power, considerable doubt was expressed about annexing a free population unfit to enter the American union. It was argued in De Bow's Review in 1853 that although it might be necessary to take the island to forestall England or France, annexation should not be eagerly pursued. Cuba, the author said, "is unlike Texas in almost every respect. Texas was in great degree uninhabited. Cuba is densly populated." If Cuba were taken the North would insist on taking Canada. The author also challenged those who believed that the Anglo-Saxons could predominate on the island: "Cuba is now, and will perhaps always be, in the hands of the Spanish race, which can never be assimilated to our own." This last assumption was, in a later article, described as an "insuperable" obstacle to the acquisition of the island. Cuba was too densly populated to be "Americanized," and Americanization consisted not in changing institutions but in changing the racial characteristics of the population. Even if there had been no sectional quarrel in the 1850s, there would have been fundamental objections to the annexation of Cuba."
    The Phora

    "There are no principles; there are only events. There is no good and bad, there are only circumstances. The superior man espouses events and circumstances in order to guide them. If there were principles and fixed laws, nations would not change them as we change our shirts and a man can not be expected to be wiser than an entire nation."
    —Honoré de Balzac

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    In his annual message, submitted in December 1852, President Millard Fillmore summed up the Cuban dilemma. He admitted the grave sectional implications of the acquisition, but he also went to the crux of the racial problem: "Were this Island comparatively destitute of inhabitants, or occupied by a kindred race, I should regard it, if voluntarily ceded by Spain, as a most desirable acquistion. But, under existing circumstances, I should look upon its incorporation into our Union as a very hazardous measure. It would bring into the Confederacy a population of a different national stock, speaking of different language, and not likely to harmonize with the other members."

    While expansion to the south and the Caribbean posed questions of racial amalgamation or colonialism that were not solved by the ending of the slavery issue, there were practically no objections on racial grounds to the annexation of Canada. It was clearly understood that Canada could be integrated within the American system, and any undesirable French-Canadian elements overwhelmed by Americans who would move in to join their Anglo-Saxon brethren. Any drive to obtain Canada in the 1850s was, of course, slowed by southern fears of additions to the free states, but the ultimate problem was British power. Unfortunately for the Americans in the second half of the nineteenth century, the area that best fitted their ideal for future expansion -- sparsely populated with an existing Anglo-Saxon influence -- was held by the strongest power in the world. Here they had to put their faith in the inevitability of American progress and success in the growth of the American population.

    Representative Hiram Bell of Ohio stated the case for Canada in 1853 when he opposed the annexation of Cuba. After pointing out the deficiencies of the Cuban population, he said that there "is a country and there is a people competant for self-government." This was Canada, an area of 2,652,000 people, "bone, as it were, of our bone, flesh of our flesh, deriving their origin from the same Anglo-Saxon source." Even De Bow's Review admitted that Canada offered much more for the United States than areas occupied by less desirable populations. One writer in the review in 1850 admitted that there would be a sectional problem if Canada were annexed for "free soilism," but he said that in general the South would support the masure if it were simply to extend our territory. "Aside from slavery and protection," he said, "we believe that a majority of the American people would be in favor of the annexation of Canada."

    The Young Americans would have been happy to take Canada, but unlike most other Americans they would also have been happy to take a variety of other areas. In the early 1850s the Young Americans became a contentious group within the Democratic party. They poured scorn on "the old fogies," and stressed "sympathy for the liberals of Europe, the expansion of the American republic southward and westward, and the grasping of the magnificent purse of the commerce of the Pacific." Their main spokesmen were George O. Sanders of Kentucky and William Correy of Ohio, but the group also enlisted support from more prominent politicians, including Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois. Sanders, who ardently defended a militant expansionist position, took over the Democratic Review in 1852 and turned it into the organ of Young America. In the presidential race of that year the Young Americans placed their hopes in Stephen A. Douglas. They were sadly disappointed that Douglas did not win the Democratic nomination, and that they received no significant recognition after the Democratic victory.

    The leaders of the Young Americans did not think of themselves as Anglo-Saxonists. They delighted in twisting the lion's tail and argued that British power should be reduced and that the United States should resist British pretensions. They did not want the Americans to be the supreme Anglo-Saxons, but a rather unique blend of European Caucasians; the Caucasus, said a writer in the Democratic Review in October 1852, was the "land of heroism and adventurous spirit, where man has attained the highest degree of external perfection, and whence the principal nations of Europe are supposed to derive their descent." Yet like others who defended a distinct "American" race while finding it difficult to accept pure Anglo-Saxonism, the Young American race all the attributes usually given to the Anglo-Saxons. George Fitzhugh saw the Young Americans, for all their talk of universal regeneration, as part of the Anglo-Saxon movement. He said that the congressional members of Young America "boast that the Anglo-Saxon race is manifestly destined to eat out all other races, as the wire-grass destroys and takes the place of all other grasses. Nay, they allege this competitive process is going on throughout all nature, the strong are everywhere devouring the weak; the hardier plants and animals destroying the weaker, and the superior races of man exterminating the inferior."

    The Young Americans often used a rhetoric of republicanism and world freedom, but the general tone of the Democratic Review while it was under their influence revealed the extent to which the envisaged a world dominated by a white American race. Lip service was paid to old ideas of regeneration, but the arguments were blended with a hard-core belief in innate superiority and future American world dominance. That Americans needed to be fully aware of their strength was the theme of an article on Central America in the spring of 1853, for "it depends on them and them alone, whether the tide of Christianity, civilization and Liberty continues to advance on this great continent, or again recedes before the reaction of barbarism." Savages were fighting for dominion in Yucatan, and Indian and mongrel races greatly outnumbered the whites in the whole of Central and South America. These whites badly needed protection; such was their imbecility . . . such their indolence, weakness and degeneracy" that they needed to be shielded by "a more wise and energetic race." The key to the relative vigor and resources of nations, argued the author, was in their populations, not simply in numbers, but in "the moral, physical and intellectual qualities of a people that form the basis of their superiority." The British Empire was taken to task in the article because it was not "one people, of one race, one language and one God." The United States had the strength of racial, political, and religious unity: "they conquer to set free, and every accession of territory is only an extension of civilization and liberty.
    The Phora

    "There are no principles; there are only events. There is no good and bad, there are only circumstances. The superior man espouses events and circumstances in order to guide them. If there were principles and fixed laws, nations would not change them as we change our shirts and a man can not be expected to be wiser than an entire nation."
    —Honoré de Balzac

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    "Most were willing to tighten the general bonds of Caucasian unity when confronted by nonwhite races, but there were also indications that some would like to foster more exclusive Anglo-Saxon unity by ending the traditional rivalry with the government of Great Britain. If only England would change her policies, Representative Lemuel Evans of Texas said in 1856, then "the two grand branches of Anglo-Saxon stock, the one pressing from the Bay of Bengal, and the other from the golden gulf of California, would meet in some beautiful group of sunny isles in the Pacific ocean, and together clasp their united hands in love and peace around the globe." The same thought had been expressed in 1850 by the American minister in England, Abbot Lawrence. "If the Anglo-Saxons of Great Britain and the United States are true to each other, and to the cause of human freedom," he wrote, "they may not only give their language, but their laws to the world, and defy the power of all despots on the face of the Globe."

    The hope that an Anglo-Saxon union would bring a new Roman age to the world was expressed regularly from the middle of the nineteenth century on. It never overcame the idea that the American Anglo-Saxon race would triumph over all other peoples, nor did it end with attacks on the British abuse of power, but many Americans took pride in English success as reinforcing the belief that race was all-important. One writer in 1850 defended the importance of a strong American navy and conjured up a dream of the "ANGLO-NORMAN RACE . . .with its transatlantic millions coming to the rescue of its German kindred and European liberty." In this dream the combined Anglo-Norman fleets swept the French and the Russians from the ocean and based peace on the principle "that no power on earth should build dockyards or support navies, except the Anglo-Norman race, its kindred and allies." The vision of an Anglo-American future did not prevent the writer from suggesting that the United States should eliminate British influence in the Caribbean by taking Cuba.

    The most influential politician to discuss a future triumph of the combined English races at any length was Polk's ex-secretary of the treasury, Robert J. Walker, who in the 1850s still thought of himself as a future president. Walker visited England in the early 1850s and discussed the whole matter of Anglo-Saxon destiny in a series of letters with British imperialist Arthur Davies, who had become interested in the possible union of the United States and the British Empire. The correspondence was published as a pamphlet in London in 1852. Davies said he firmly believed in the sentiment that Walker had expressed in their conversations: "That a time shall come when the human race shall become as one family, and that the predominant of our Anglo-Celt-Sax-Norman stock shall guide the nations to that result." In his letters Walker quickly moved the center of power from Europe to the New World. There should be not question of the United States becoming part of the British Empire -- if an amalgamation took place it would be by the British becoming part of the American union. Such a merging "would unite in one confederacy, more than two hundred millions of people, each State by separate State legislation taking charge of its own local concerns, governed by a race speaking the same language, of superior intellect and energy, covering now nearly one half the territory of the globe, and diffusing itself gradually over the remainder." He quickly pointed out that such a country would secure the commerce as well as the peace of the world. In time "this great confederacy would ultimately embrace the globe we inhabit." Walker's tone in these letters was that of the Christian regeneration of the world, but what he was actually describing was the expansion and rise to supreme power of the Anglo-Saxons.

    . . .

    As the white gradually eliminated all other races from America, the new Roman age would be brought about by rapid expansion. Canada and everything down to the isthmus of Panama should be annexed quickly, although the non-Teutonic descent of some of the inhabitants of the former and the most mostly Indian population of the latter would present problems. This expansion was, however, only the beginning. Hawaii would soon be American, and the authors thought that Australia should be encouraged to become independent of England and enter th union by a "little stretch of the Monroe Doctrine." England and her colonies would also eventually be annexed to the United States, for the Anglican empire was essentially oceanic and America its natural center. Thus England, though she did not know it, was busily extending America's Anglo-Saxon empire. With the American continent and Australia united, the "annexation of the remaining countries will be a question of time, regulated by American convenience." English was to be the universal tongue: "Nothing is more certain than that the English language will extend all over the earth, and will shortly become the common medium of thought -- the language of the world."
    The Phora

    "There are no principles; there are only events. There is no good and bad, there are only circumstances. The superior man espouses events and circumstances in order to guide them. If there were principles and fixed laws, nations would not change them as we change our shirts and a man can not be expected to be wiser than an entire nation."
    —Honoré de Balzac

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    Some more info on American racialism. As I said before, we literally pioneered the concept. Ditto for Nordicism. The Nazis were simply crude imitators. The Third Reich was only around for twelve years. The United States was a racialist nation for over a century.
    That's a quite limited view which can only be represented if one actually doesn't know the writings of the German racialist and Nordicist movement of the 1920s and 1930s.

    In the works of the interwar German Nordicist-racialists, e. g. of Günther, Clauß, Kummer, Eichenauer, Darré, G. Paul, Schultze-Naumburg, or Burkhardt, only to name a few of many, references to American racialism are only one component and not really a dominating one.

    If an American Nordicist-racialist author is mentioned by the Germans, then mostly Madison Grant, but it isn't refered to him really so much in a direct sense, but he is rather just often mentioned as one representative of the "general idea".

    Much more inspiring pre-war authors for the "socio-anthropology" of the German interwar Nordicist-racialists were people like Vacher de Lapouge, H. St. Chamberlain, Woltmann, Gobineau... The most-used classification concept of the interwar German Nordicists-racialists has its basis in Deniker and Eugen Fischer.

    Of foreign countries, with Gobineau and Vacher de Lapouge and French-writing Deniker, rather France was thus the main ideological root for the German racialists and Nordicists of the 1920s and 1930s...

    Of the concepts, ideas and thoughts which German racialists and Nordicists discussed in the 1920s and 30s, in details most were things they made up by their own.

    The traditional racist practice of American society in dealing with non-European immigrants, with Negroes, Mexicans and Chinese, was something of which was taken notice by the racialists here, but which was not that much of primary relevance for the development of concepts and ideas or even their "origin".

    More important was the view to America rather for the German eugenics (which as such however is something independently from racialism and Nordicism, as eugenics can be practised also at mixed or at a non-Nordid or non-European populations, and eugenic practice properly grasps and selects in regard to hereditary disease independently from someone's race). But even if the international connections played here a role in the German eugenic movement, e. g. with Baur-Fischer-Lenz, Ploetz and others, there was plenty enough of own research and concepts.
    The connections to America were pointed out enough by the eugenicists of those time themselves or - "critically" - e. g. in our days in the studies of Weingart/Kroll/Bayertz (Rasse, Blut und Gene. Geschichte der Eugenik und Rassenhygiene in Deutschland; 1992) and Kühl (Die Internationale der Rassisten. Aufstieg und Niedergang der internationalen Bewegung für Eugenik und Rassenhygiene im 20. Jahrhundert; 2002); it is not so as if that one book (forgot author and title), which came out last year or so, which dealed with the connections to the American eugenicist movement would have revealed anything really new and surprising.

    The thought-historical background of the German Nordicist racialists was drawn by Günther's himself in Der Nordische Gedanke unter den Deutschen; "critically" after the war e. g. in Lutzhöft's Der Nordische Gedanke in Deutschland 1920 bis 1940 or Weber's Wege ins Dritte Reich; there's also history of anthropology in the first supplements of Eickstedt's "Die Forschung am Menschen"; he also wrote a Geschichte der anthropologischen Namensgebung und Klassifikation, where an highly detailled history of anthropological race names and classification concepts until the present (thus the 1930) is given.

    It is not really so as if America would have been here the main fountain from where most emerged and the Europeans or Germans only the one who kneed at the fountain and refreshed themselves; in fact most of racialism, Nordicist racialism and also only "un-ideological" anthropology was indeed of European provenance. With Blumenbach, the one who is often seen as father of modern race science, actually was a German.

    That Americans may have a distorted perception of that all because they only take notice of what is written in English language and not what the German racialists and Nordicists of that time actually did write and where they did have their roots.
    Man ſei Held oder Heiliger. In der Mitte liegt nicht die Weisheit, ſondern die Alltäglichkeit.

    SPENGLER

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    It is not really so as if America would have been here the main fountain from where most emerged and the Europeans or Germans only the one who kneed at the fountain and refreshed themselves; in fact most of racialism, Nordicist racialism and also only "un-ideological" anthropology was indeed of European provenance.
    A cursory glance at the historical record easily reveals that modern racialism is largely the product of the Anglo-Saxons, not continental Europeans. For starters, modern racialism was already in existence centuries before the Third Reich. But lets start with Gobineau.

    "When Gobineau published his work on the inequality of the human races in 1854, he was summarizing and amplifying more than half a century of ideas on race rather than inaugurating a new era. It is impossible to understand why the United States viewed it international role racially by 1850 without understanding why the European nations had also come to think of themselves in racial as well as political terms."

    Ibid., p.2

    And these ideas were largely of Anglo-American provenance.

    "The American intellectual community did not merely absorb European ideas, it also fed European racial appetites with scientific theories stemming from the supposed knowned and observation of blacks and Indians. In this era the popular periodicals, the press, and many American politicians eagerly sought scientific proof for racial distinctions and for the prevailing American and world order; the intellectual community provided the evidence they needed."

    Ibid., p.3

    Jefferson wrote at some length about racial differences in his Notes on the State of Virginia. Edwin Black also describes in detail in his book War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Quest to Create a Master Race how heavily indebted the Germans were to Anglo-American racial research. Hitler thoroughly plagarized Henry Ford and Madison Grant in Mein Kampf.

    "While in prison, at his "university," Hitler confided his madness in the book Mein Kampf, which he dictated to Hess. He also read the second edition of the first great German eugenic text, Foundations of Human Heredity and Race Hygiene (Grundriss der menschlichen Erblichkeitslehre und Rassenhygiene), which had been published in 1921. Germany's three leading race eugenicists, Erwin Baur, Fritz Lenz and Eugen Fischer, authored the two-volume set. All three of the book's authors were closely allied to American eugenic science and Davenport personally. Their eugenics originated at Cold Spring Harbor.

    Baur, an intense racist, closely studied American eugenic science and formulated his ideas accordingly. He was comfortable confiding to his dear friend Davenport just how those ideas fused with nationalism. For example, in November of 1920, about a year before Foundation of Human Heredity and Race Hygiene went to press, Baur wrote to Davenport in almost perfect English, "The Medical Division of the Prussian Government has asked me to prepare a review of the eugenical laws and Vorschriften [regulations] which have already been introduced into the differed States of your country." He emphasized, "Of especial interst are the marraige certificates (Ehebestimmung) -- certificates of health required for marriage, laws forbidding marraige of hereditarily burdered persons among others -- [and] further the experiments made in different states with castration of criminals and insane. . .

    "In page after page of Mein Kampf rantings, Hitler recited social Darwinian imperatives, condemned the concept of charity, and praised the policies of the United States and its quest for Nordic purity. Perhaps no passage better summarized Hitler's views than this from chapter 11: "The Germanic inhabitant of the American continent, who has remained racially pure and unmixed, rose to be master of the continent; he will remain the master so long as he does not fall a victim to defilement of the blood.

    Hitler proudly told his comrades just how closely he followed American eugenic legislation. "Now that we know the laws of heredity," he told a fellow Nazi, "it is possible to a large extent to prevent unhealthy and severely handicapped beings from coming into the world. I have studied with great interest the laws of several American states concerning prevention of reproduction by people whose progeny would, in all probability, be of no value or to be injurious to the racial stock . . . But the possibility of excess and error is still no proof of the incorrectness of these laws. It only exhorts us to the greatest possible conscientiousness . . . It seems to me the ultimate in hypocrisy and inner untruth if these same people [social critics] -- and it is them, in the main -- call the sterilization of those who are severely handicapped physically and morally and of those who are genuinely criminal sin against God. I despise this sanctimoniousness. . ."

    . . .

    Most of all, American raceologists were intensely proud to have inspired the purely eugenic state the Nazis were constructing. In those early years of the Third Reich, Hitler and his race hygienists carefully crafted eugenic legislation modeled on laws already introduced across America, upheld by the Supreme Court and routinely enforced. Nazi doctors and even Hitler himself regularly communicated with American eugenicists from New York to California, ensuring that Germany would scrupulously follow the path blazed by the United States.

    Black., pp.270-277
    The Phora

    "There are no principles; there are only events. There is no good and bad, there are only circumstances. The superior man espouses events and circumstances in order to guide them. If there were principles and fixed laws, nations would not change them as we change our shirts and a man can not be expected to be wiser than an entire nation."
    —Honoré de Balzac

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    Quote Originally Posted by FadeTheButcher
    A cursory glance at the historical record easily reveals that modern racialism is largely the product of the Anglo-Saxons, not continental Europeans. For starters, modern racialism was already in existence centuries before the Third Reich. But lets start with Gobineau.

    "When Gobineau published his work on the inequality of the human races in 1854, he was summarizing and amplifying more than half a century of ideas on race rather than inaugurating a new era. It is impossible to understand why the United States viewed it international role racially by 1850 without understanding why the European nations had also come to think of themselves in racial as well as political terms."

    Ibid., p.2

    And these ideas were largely of Anglo-American provenance.
    You really needn't tell me that racialism existed already before the Third Reich. eyes: And also not that Gobineau wasn't the first one. However still most of the development of race science happened in Europe, and German racialism of the 20th century has its roots mainly in racialist concepts which emerged in Europe and Germany.

    In Eickstedt's mentioned work of 1937 about the history of the race concept: Geschichte der anthropologischen Namengebung und Klassifikation, a work where certainly the international viewpoint is not disregarded, only a small handful of the mentioned names are Americans, and they are certainly not the ones who appear at the beginning of the making up of race concepts and as most important for the development at all. (I can write out all names which are mentioned there, if you want...)
    Excerpts from the final summary:

    And finally, in national respects a development of classifications and with that to a certain degree of the science of man in general can be followed in three different countries, that are in Germany, France and Great Britain, in latest time also i Italy and the Slavic countries. This order goes at the same time chronologically and estimating. Because beginning as well as importance of anthropology are concentrated at the beginning exclusively in Germany. Here, after the isolated beginnings of Bernier, Leibniz, Bradley and Linné, in the last quarter of the 18th century an extraordinarily strong life begins, to which nature-scientists like Müller, Erxleben, Forster, Blumenbach, J. B. Fischer, Wünsch and Ludwig contribute as much as excellent scientists belonging to the Arts, of which Kant, Herder, Wieland, Meines and Steffens must be named, to show the nearer connection with the intellectual prime of Germany in general, with classicism in literature and cultural history [...]

    North America took over, even if partly late and hesitating, the inspirations of early English and later German research and contributed with Brinton, Boas, Gregory, Dixon and in the latest time with the Canadian Taylor to the problem of classifications.



    The same applies also for the "race ideology". Ludwig Schemann wrote a three-volume "Studies on the History of the Race Idea", the first volume containing "Race in the Sciences of Arts. The Thoughts History of Anthropology".
    I haven't got Günther's (as he was the main figure of the German interwar Nordic movement) "Der Nordische Gedanke unter den Deutschen" here in the moment, but I can later name out who he names and where he located the roots of the movement.
    Americans may have dealed with foreign races in their daily life much longer than Europeans at their home. Nevertheless did the working out of race concepts, the emergence of race ideas and race ideologies happen in Europe and in Germany mainly through own thinkers, without building up really on such from America or "receiving" racialist thinking from America.
    But if you are so highly convinced, maybe you can point out in what way exactly prominent German interwar Nordic Racialists like Günther, Clauß, Eichenauer, Burkhardt, Erbt, Kummer, Darré, Schultze-Naumburg, W. Gross, or Staemmler were imitators of American racialists or even based in their main ideas on them...

    "The American intellectual community did not merely absorb European ideas, it also fed European racial appetites with scientific theories stemming from the supposed knowned and observation of blacks and Indians. In this era the popular periodicals, the press, and many American politicians eagerly sought scientific proof for racial distinctions and for the prevailing American and world order; the intellectual community provided the evidence they needed."

    Ibid., p.3
    Since the beginning of racial science and racialist concepts, the basic works, which were the main stream that lead to race concepts and racialism in Germany of the 20th century, were made up in Europe, as pointed out above.

    The impression, from which the ideas of the race thinkers, was the touch and conflict of Europeans with the whole world and with foreign races in Asia and Africa as much as in America.

    Jefferson wrote at some length about racial differences in his Notes on the State of Virginia. Edwin Black also describes in detail in his book War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Quest to Create a Master Race how heavily indebted the Germans were to Anglo-American racial research. Hitler thoroughly plagarized Henry Ford and Madison Grant in Mein Kampf.
    Considered anthropological concepts with racialist connotations of some real length came into being continuably since the late 18th century (see the excerpt above), and for the interwar German racialist movement people like Gobineau, Lapouge, Chamberlain, Wilser, Ammon, Woltmann or Gumplowicz were basic and important as ideological forefathers with real amplified thoughts and the conceptualisation of racialist ideas - nobody made up a weltanschauung on a few Jefferson sentences.
    Rather modest forms of reflexion of racial differences anyway can be found already in earlier times and different cultures, whenever races or peoples of different racial extraction come in contact with each other.

    I also doubt highly that the roots of the many more or less racialist neo-Germanics who existed already numerously before the war, like Guido List, or racialist occultists like the Ariosophians around Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels can be traced back to America. That völkisch-racialist "underground", which radiated into the whole society, was quite deep already long before the war.
    Even if the rather extreme and occultist völkisch underground was rejected as unserious by the serious racialists and later by the main stream of the interwar Völkisch Nordicists and racialist movement (the circle around Günther), they certainly did have some importance for the zeitgeist, for a general völkisch and racialist climate, and they contributed to the creation of a völkisch intellectual climate of Germanicism of Nordicism and racialism.

    Hitler surely liked what Henry Ford wrote on the Jews, and it was also well seen because Ford was an important business man from the upper class, but for the forming of Hitler's ideas of the Jews or generally for German anti-Semitism it was only one among many others, from Wagner over Lagarde, Weininger and Chamberlain to Fritsch, only to name a few. Hitler was already long enough a fanatical anti-Semite when Ford's work came out.
    There had been already for decades amounts of anti-Semite literature in Germany, which coined and formed the social mentality. And there are just as much "critical" works about that whole subject from after the war. It was by all means not so as if Germany would had needed necessarily Ford to get the taste for anti-Semite attitudes of consciousness and for their intensification after 1918.
    That he "plagiarized" Grant is not more than a claim, and thinking that Hitler needed Grant as basis if one isn't familiar with the enormous German racialist literature of that time and its roots. Grant's book anyway appeared in German not before 1925.
    To whom Hitler in fact did clearly refer in "Mein Kampf", was Günther (who based on Lapouge and Deniker), as he used his racial terms and expressions. "Nordicist" ideas also are found in speechs of Hitler from the early 20s, not to speek of his racialism in general.

    "While in prison, at his "university," Hitler confided his madness in the book Mein Kampf, which he dictated to Hess. He also read the second edition of the first great German eugenic text, Foundations of Human Heredity and Race Hygiene (Grundriss der menschlichen Erblichkeitslehre und Rassenhygiene), which had been published in 1921. Germany's three leading race eugenicists, Erwin Baur, Fritz Lenz and Eugen Fischer, authored the two-volume set. All three of the book's authors were closely allied to American eugenic science and Davenport personally. Their eugenics originated at Cold Spring Harbor.

    Baur, an intense racist, closely studied American eugenic science and formulated his ideas accordingly. He was comfortable confiding to his dear friend Davenport just how those ideas fused with nationalism. For example, in November of 1920, about a year before Foundation of Human Heredity and Race Hygiene went to press, Baur wrote to Davenport in almost perfect English, "The Medical Division of the Prussian Government has asked me to prepare a review of the eugenical laws and Vorschriften [regulations] which have already been introduced into the differed States of your country." He emphasized, "Of especial interst are the marraige certificates (Ehebestimmung) -- certificates of health required for marriage, laws forbidding marraige of hereditarily burdered persons among others -- [and] further the experiments made in different states with castration of criminals and insane. . .

    Hitler proudly told his comrades just how closely he followed American eugenic legislation. "Now that we know the laws of heredity," he told a fellow Nazi, "it is possible to a large extent to prevent unhealthy and severely handicapped beings from coming into the world. I have studied with great interest the laws of several American states concerning prevention of reproduction by people whose progeny would, in all probability, be of no value or to be injurious to the racial stock . . . But the possibility of excess and error is still no proof of the incorrectness of these laws. It only exhorts us to the greatest possible conscientiousness . . . It seems to me the ultimate in hypocrisy and inner untruth if these same people [social critics] -- and it is them, in the main -- call the sterilization of those who are severely handicapped physically and morally and of those who are genuinely criminal sin against God. I despise this sanctimoniousness. . ."

    Most of all, American raceologists were intensely proud to have inspired the purely eugenic state the Nazis were constructing. In those early years of the Third Reich, Hitler and his race hygienists carefully crafted eugenic legislation modeled on laws already introduced across America, upheld by the Supreme Court and routinely enforced. Nazi doctors and even Hitler himself regularly communicated with American eugenicists from New York to California, ensuring that Germany would scrupulously follow the path blazed by the United States.

    Black., pp.270-277
    I mentioned myself that the German eugenicists had close connections to the U.S. eugenicists, and I also don't deny that they regarded the early American eugenicic laws as pattern. But it wasn't so as if the Germans were in eugenics just copists of the Americans, the German eugenics society was founded already long before the war, in 1905.
    The Baur-Fischer-Lenz was the first work on that subject of which was taken enormous notice in the whole German publicity, but "great" and basic works about eugenics were here already published already much earlier; Ploetz' basic Grundlinien einer Rassenhygiene I. Die Tüchtigkeit unserer Rasse und der Schutz der Schwachen was published in 1895, and Ploetz was indeed the man who founded and established eugenics in Germany.

    And again: such a closer connection to American science and "learning" from the earlier American legislation of eugenics and eugenical practice only applied for eugenical science properly, but not for the whole complex of anthropology and racialism, which was quite mostly European- and German-rooted. That Hitler realized in America a will to the Nordic-Germanic ideal is the logical interpretation of the immigration restrictions of 1924, but no one in Germany needed America for getting ideas about the Nordic race or of race at all. The origins of the whole German Nordicist-racialist movement are clearly obvious in the tradition of the pre-war thinkers of race and were also named and pointed out by the racialists and Nordicist authors themselves; that the same ideas had their triumphes in America, was positively received in Germany, but America was in no way the cause or even the main source of German interwar Nordicist and racialist ideologems.
    Man ſei Held oder Heiliger. In der Mitte liegt nicht die Weisheit, ſondern die Alltäglichkeit.

    SPENGLER

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    I agree with everything Fade wrote, except Nordgau was correct about Europe being more versed in the Jewish Question, because of having to deal with them so much more. As for Indians and Negroids, I'd say those really hardened Americans and other colonials in a way that "back home" could only understand secondhand. Of course, all of these problems are everywhere today, but the "expansion and world mission" I find inspirational still.

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