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Thread: Germanisation of the Land Between the Elbe-Saale and the Oder Rivers

  1. #11

    Post Re: Germanisation of the land between the Elbe-Saale and the Oder rivers

    RURAL POPULATION [Index] The whole teritory east of the Elbe and Saale underwent a rapid political and economic transformation since the middle of the twelfth century. In economic terms the area was "feudalised" in a relatively short period. It was carried out in an orderly manner by new landlords and Church.There were a large number of new settlements founded and many old ones were re-organised on the western pattern. [118] However, here again it would be a mistake to attribute all the new settlements as being populated by Germanic immigrants, unless clearly stated. On the other hand, it would be reasonable to assume that it was much easier to re-settle local population and displaced people, rather than bring new colonists from far away.There is some evidence supporting this claim.For example, the village of Brьsewitz in Schwerin district of Mecklenburgia, was inhabited by Slavs, but founded or rather granted a "German Law", in the early thirteenth century. [119] It would be very unlikely, that it was an isolated incident. Hence, the economic transformation of the region could have been accomplished, to large extent, by re-structuring rather then immigration.Besides, mass migration must have posed a tremendous difficulties for a logistical reasons.

    The issue is more complicated, if we take into consideration that Slavic dukes of Mecklenburgia and Pomerania, as well as Slavic nobility elsewhere in the region, were re-organising their estates in the same fashion as Germanic landlords.They both were after labourers for their estates either Germanic or Slavic. [120]

    The majority of Slavic population, that is farmers, ended up at the bottom of the social ladder.Initialy free small landholders, they suddenly ceased to work their own land which became someone else estate.Although feudal obligations toward the lord and Church in the east were initialy smaller than in the west, for many Polabians itwas their first contact with "feudal" Europe. There was also a growing number of un-free people who worked on secular and Church properties. The bondsmen were recruited from prisoners of war, displaced people and those who lost their land.Many free people ended up in this category when on bad crop years they were evicted from land, because they were unable to pay their tenure. The ratio of free people to bondsmen in the twelfth century is hard to estimate.It probably varied greatly depending on the region. The areas conquered earlier, like the western and central Sorbian and Western Obodrite lands must have had a greater proportion of bondsmen than other regions.Nevertheless, the uniform trend was toward an increased ratio of un-free people in society, the same as in other parts of the Europe. [121] It was in the interest of landlords and Church to have more labourers on their own land.There is no doubt, that they did what they could to get any extra hands to work their fields.Still, it has to be understood, that in the twelfth and thirteenth century not only Polabians were affected by spread of serfdom. In other regions of the Empire heavy feudal burdens also affected a Germanic peasantry.Helmold of Bossau mentions that the Saxon Holzatians in the twelfth century were brought almost torebellion as a result of increased episcopal tax. [122]

    Overall, the conquest or subjugation by the Empire, had a devastating and demoralising impact on the majority of the Polabians. Their leaders were dead or had joined Germans.Their social structures, institutions and religion were gone.A new faith, forced upon them, was not only alien and difficult to understand but also identified with their oppressors.Many people lost their freedom and were forced into serfdom, often under the new German landlords.They were no better off under the Slavic landlords, who in relatively short time were germanized, anyway.Even those who remained nominally free lost their status as equals in the society.It could be argued that even if the Polabian Slavs would retain their independence they could not escape the "feudalisation" under their own rulers.There is no doubt, however, that "feudalisation" and conversion from within would cause far fewer casualties, like in Poland or Bohemia, and would not be seen as a total collapse of their world by majority of the people.

    Nevertheless, it was rural areas where the Polabian Slavs survived as an ethnic minority for the longest time.Despite the heavy economic burdens, germanization pressure was not felt strongly in the country.The German landlords were not much interested in their subjects as long as their land was cultivated and provided income.The peasant communities in mediaeval times had nothing to lose and nothing to gain.As a result theywere less prone to the outside influences.The numerous Slavs, still to large extent pagan, were reported to live in Bamberg diocese in Bavaria in the eleventh century [123] , and by many other documents from the following century. [124] It appears that they were germanized not long after that.But it needs to be remembered that eastern Bavaria was a south-western limit of the Slavic settlement, and the area was never fully slavized.

    Another two documents from the twelfth century show that the Slavs were still numerous in the areas between the Saale and the middle Elbe.This is the area which had been in a German political orbit since the late nineth century and had fallen into the German hands in the early tenth century.Both tribes suffered heavy losses during the conquest and were subject to German rule from that time. In year 1143 Conrad III made a "grant of forest in Khuditsy land" [125] and in 1163 Frederick Barbarossa another "grant of forest in Glomache land" to some monasteries. [126] It is unlikely that the tribal territorial names would be used if those people were gone and forgotten.

    In the northern half of east Germany, the Polabian heartland,Slavic settlements were still numerous and were mentioned in many historical documents and chronicles until the fifteenthcentury. John Dantiscus, a Polish bishop, diplomat and poet, wrote in 1525 in a letter to Sigmund The Old of Poland, that peasants near Lьbeck are still speaking a Slavic language. [127] In central Mecklemburgia Slavic speaking descendants of Obodrites were reported in the seventeenth century around the time of Thirty Years war. [128] In the region called Mittlemark, a part of Brandenburgia, the Slavs also survived until the fifteenth century. [129] In the sixteenth century the region of Prignitz and south-western Mecklenburgia was still a Slavic enclave, where descendants of Veletian Brezhane and Stodorane lived. [130] At the same time large parts of Altmark (Old March) north of the Magdeburg were inhabited by descendants of Obodrite Lipyane [131] Similary, the Veletian part of Pomeranian duchy west of the Oder river, was also not fully germanized before the end of the fifteenth century. [132] The area known as Hanowerian Wendland (The Land of Wends), south of Hamburg, alongside western bank of the Elbe river, was for a long predominantely inhabited by Drevyane, an Obodrite lesser tribe. [133] In 1725, Johannes Parum Schulze, an owner of local inn, wrote:

    " I'm a man of fourty-seven years of age. When I and threeother people in our village have gone, then no one will rightly know what a dog is called in Wendish". [134]

    In fact, the last Slavic speaker died there at the close of the eighteenth century. [135] Today, only the Sorbs form a small, but distinct linguistic group in Lusatia.The survival of the Sorbs could be attributed to number of factors.They were the most eastern Polabian Slavs, and until the seventeenth century, the Germans did not established their full control over them. [136] Althought this territory changed hands many times and was a part of Bohemian crown for most of the time, under the Czechs the socio-political pressure for germanization was not very strong. [137] Nevertheless, it only slowed the process.After all, most of the Czech nobility and upper class was also germanized, under the Habsburgs.The other reason may be, that the area is known for its relativly poor soil and probably did not attract as many Germanic settlers as some other lands. [138] According to some modern Sorbian estimations in the middle of the twelfth century, the Sorbs formed an overwhelming majority of the population of Lusatia,and until the fourteenth century, even some new Sorbian settlements were founded in the region. [139] Finally, the Upper Saxony dynasty, the Wettins, were known for their cosmopolitan and liberal attitudes and germanisation pressure on the local Slavic population was not as strong as elsewhere. [140]

    A legal document from 1293, from the abbey of Nienburg in Anhalt region, is witness to germanization process in progress, and being already half way through.It abolishes the use of Slavic language in local court,apparently because it is not well understood by the local peasants, who by the same document are still recognised as a Slavs. Other numerous East German law codes mention people legally subject to local German or Wendish (Slavic) laws, but also, many people of mixed origin or German speaking Slavs who obtained a German law. [141]

  2. #12

    Post Re: Germanisation of the land between the Elbe-Saale and the Oder rivers

    THURINGIAN CASE An interesting case study of Slavic past and survival was conducted by Polish historian Jerzy Strzelczyk, for Thuringia, west of Elbe River.This apears a sole systematic regional study on the subject, for entire eastern Germany.

    The Slavs began to penetrate the territory west of Saale river, most likely around middle of the seventh century, possibly during the times of Radulf.
    [142] The Slavic presence there is well atested by the written sources.A Codex Eberhardi from Fulda monastery, written around 1160, reffering to the estates from around year 1000, mentions numerous Slavs in 39 entries. [143] Records from a Hersfeld monastery mentioned Slavic population in 14 documents (142), while a collection of documents from Magdemburg archbishopric reported Slavs on at least 12 occasions. [144] An interesting document from the Erfurt monastery shows that Slavs in Thuringia had some property rights.In 1136, four Slavic peasants donated a property to the monastery in exchange for a hereditary right to cultivate some other fields. It is worthwhile listing their names: Luzicho, Herolt, Odalrich and Kuno; as only the first one is Slavic. [145] This again supports the claim that German personal names are not clear indication of ethnicity. Also, Slavic place names were recorded in the region on number of occasions.For example, a record of "tenth" collected by Friesenfeld monastery, shows that out of 283 places 27 had a Slavic names, while another 6 contained a root "winden", indicating its former Slavic affiliations. [146] Aarchaeology also provides strong evidence for Slavic presence in the region, and according to Strzelczyk 284 finds, of various nature, are classified as Slavic. [147]

    A number of other documents show that Slavs formed some part of urban population of the region.For example, in 961 Otto I donated some villages to Magdeburg monastery.The document stated, that Slavs who moved to towns from those estates are still obliged to pay the tenth to the monastery. [148] Slavs were reported in town of Frienstedt, near Erfurt, in 1227 [149] , and at Neuhaldensleben, in the second half of the thirteenth century. [150] At least on five other documents urban Slavs were witnesses to business transaction or court cases in the Erfurt district, as late as the second half of the fourteenth century, being probably a burghers or ministerialis.They bore the names such as Burchard, Sifridus, Sigehart, Johaness and Heinrich; and their Slavic background is only known, because it was explicitly stated. [151] Also, in number of towns some streets or place names indicated a former Slavic presence there. For example, "Windische Gasse - Wendish Street", are known from towns like Heiligenstadt, Weimar and Grossbrembach. [152]

    It has to be remembered that the areas west of the Saale river were settled by the Slavs relatively late; that Thuringia was never fully slavized, and always remained predominantly a Germanic region; and that Slavs there never formed a separate political entity and remained subjects to Thuringians, Franks and later Empire.The Slavic survival there until the fourteenth century, existence of Slavic burghers, etc. has significant implications.It clearly shows that in areas further to the east, exclusively occupied by Slavs and subjugated much later, the forces of germanization were much weaker and the Slavic contribution to the emergence of German nation must have been much greater.



    OTHER EVIDENCE FOR GERMANIZATION OF LOCAL POPULATION

    Besides the large number of records and documents indicating the strong Slavic presence east of the Elbe and Saale, there is some indirect evidence that germanization of the local population was predominantly a result of loss of ethnic and cultural identity rather than mass population movements. A very large proportion of modern Eastern German surnames are of a Slavic origin.In particular, all those ending with "itz", "etz", "chke" and "schke" or "ow" [153] , like for example, the last premier of East Germany, Hans Modrow.This suggests substantial Polabian contribution to the formation of the German nation.This is especially evident in the former Eastern Germany.Also, the map of eastern Germany is covered by enormous number of places with Slavic etymology.In some parts of Lusatia, only one-third of the place names are German, the rest being Sorbian.In some areas of Mecklenburgia, the German names are hard to find at all. [154] Practically all large or medium size cities in the east, probably with the exception of the town of Neuebrandenburg,are known to be former Polabian tribal or commercial centres which usually retained their Slavic names, although often badly corrupted [155] (see Appendix 1). It is reasonable to assume that migrants who would settle an empty land would tend to call the new settlements with the names in their own language.So, as eastern Germany is totally the opposite case, it strongly suggests continiuos inhabitation of the majority of settlements without much disturbance of its ethnic composition. In turn, this contradicts the claim of mass Germanic immigration to the east.

    It is worth notting that numerous German folk-dances in some areas are of Slavic origin.Besides many Sorbian folkdances known from Lusatia, there are some regarded as German which are in fact of Polabian Slavic origin.Many dances from Lьneburger Wendland, Mecklenburgia, Vogtland, Altenburg, Brandenburgia and even Thuringia fall into that category. Many retained their Slavic names, which had no meaning to German speaking people who dance them.Such is the"Wulka", a dance fromMecklenburgia.The survival of Slavic folklore suggests that over the centuries people slowly lost their Slavic identitity but retained some of the old traditions. [156]

    Also, an interesting development took place in Germany around the late thirteenth century.West of the Elbe - Saale line, serfdom was slowly replaced by land tenure and rent paid by peasants.On the other hand, east of that line, serfdom dominated the area well into the eighteenth century. [157] It is commonly accepted that serfdom was imposed on a predominantly Slavic population of the area after the conquest.So, if free Germanic peasants would came to the region on mass scale, either serfdom would be difficult to re-introduce or it would not be as attractive idea to migrate east at all.Hence, this indirect evidence suggests that Germanic migration into the Polabian lands was not as great as sometimes postulated.

    So, the strong presence of Polabian Slavs in various sources as well as their survival as a distinct linguistic group is cumulatively convincing that germanization of the region was not a result of mass colonization, but rather large scale loss of the ethnic identity.

  3. #13

    Post Re: Germanisation of the land between the Elbe-Saale and the Oder rivers

    CHRISTIANITY AND GERMANIZATION OF THE POLABIAN SLAVS Christianity was another key factor in germanization of the Polabian Slavs.It is an irony that conversion, which was one of the prerequisites for Polabian political survival turned out to be a vital element ofgermanization.Only Christianity with an independent Church and with numerous native clergy could play this role. Such as it was in case of Poland and to some extent that of Bohemia.

    The whole Polabian teritory was brought under ecclesiastical authority of two German archbishoprics.The Sorbs and central districts were part of Magdeburg archdiocese, while the Obodrites and northern Veleti came under Hamburg-Bremen.
    [158] After German authority was imposed upon the Polabian Slavs, the Church was granted a relatively large number of estates.The German dominated Church administration worked hand in hand with civilian authorities to strengthen the German hold in the territories. Christianity in its medieval and frontier form sanctioned a "feudal" system with the Church being a large feudal lord itself. [159]

    The numerous Christian orders established themselves east of the Elbe and Saale soon after the conquest.Early Christian orders were not always German and in some cases were introduced into the region by Slavic rulers. Let's just list some of the most important religious orders that spread into the region.In the middle of the twelfth century a Benedictine monastery was founded at Stolp on a Peene river [160] ; and Cistercians at Dargun in Mecklenburgia were brought from Denmark in 1171-1172, by the Pomeranian prince Kazimir I. [161] The Cistercians were also established at Bad Doberan, in Mecklenburgia. west of Rostock in the old Obodrite teritories.In this case German monks were brought from Amelungsborn in 1170 - 1171 by the Obodrite prince Przybysіaw. [162] Other monks of the same order from Volkenrode in Thuringia were introducedin Deberlug, by Dietrich von Landsberg, margrave of Lusatia. [163] In Berg, on the Rьgen island, in 1197, a Ranove prince Jaromir founded a Benedictine convent which soon changed to the Cistercian order.Nuns were brought there from Roskilde in Denmark. [164] The first Premonserian monastery was founded in 1138/9 at Leitzkau, near Magdeburg [165] , and soon after that by Pomeranian princes on Usedom island. [166]

    The enforcment of foreign religion upon the Polabians played a big part in their total subjugation and humiliation, but above all their germanization. The old social order was forcefully being replaced by alien ideology, doctrines and morality. As it was already stated, in its initial phase the conversion was conducted by force with the destruction of Slavic temples and places of worship, extermination of pagan priests and any sort of resistance.The eradication of organised cult and priests also eliminated leadership for potential revolts. The new religion was universal in the sense that it promoted and emphasised on all-Christian unity. This element must have also speeded up assimilation and integration of the Slavic population into the mainstream of German society.Also, an overhelming majority of clergy were German, and associated all aspects of Slavic culture and traditions with the pagan cults.Hence, they opposed and tried to supress any forms and expressions of the native culture.

    The numerous Church estates positively contributed to the regional economy, but they also sped up germanization, even in cases when new estates were not founded or entirely settled by Germanic speaking colonists, but Slavs.This was so, because Slavic settlers were forcefully uprooted from their social context.Hence they were much more prone to germanization than those who could maintain their cultural, social and family bonds.Besides, they were forced to live in a mixed environment and under strong pressure from their monk-masters to convert and adopt the "German ways" and speech. [167]

  4. #14

    Post Re: Germanisation of the land between the Elbe-Saale and the Oder rivers

    SLAVIC CONTRIBUTION TO GERMANY There is no doubt that the Polabian Slavs substantially contributed to the growth and development of the German state and culture.It was a silent contribution of merchants, craftsmen, builders, artisans and peasants who remained nameless or whose Slavic origins never came to the attention. One of the subjects worth further investigation is the Baltic Slavs' contribution to German expansion into the Baltic trade. Until the end of the twelfth century German merchants were rather insignificant force on the Baltic Sea.It changed rapidly during the following century.It is very likely that not only Scandinavian but also Slavic experience in sea-faring and sea-trade in the region had substancial impact on the growth of Lьbeck [168] , a major German town, port and commercial centre from the thirteenth century, and later a leading force in Hanseatic League. [169] However, such research would encounter a major obstacle, as the later sources rarely provide ethinic background of many person.And as has been shown above, personal names are not much help.This to some extend was a result of certain social and political pressure. The Polabian Slavs were conquered people and generaly were not much respected by Germans.In some sections of German society association with them might undermine someone position or social status.As a result, Slavic background must have been hidden by many prominent people. In many families it must have been played down for a sake of the children's future careers and consequently was forgotten in one or two generations. [170] A fine example is the famous nineteenth century German explorer Leichhardt who vanished during one of his Australian expeditions. It is hardly known today, that his mother was a Slav from Lower Lusatia, and he himself spoke Sorbian. [171]



    CONCLUSION

    It appears that althought the process of germanization took centuries, politically the Polabian Slavs were fully incorporated into the Empire by the middle of the thirteenth century.If that had not been a case they would have no doubt tried to rebel again.And the best opportunity to struggle for independence was between 1250 and 1378. During that period, Germany went into decline and the imperial power and authority practically collapsed.The local German rulers and margraves were virtualy independent and fighting among themselves.Ruling houses of Hohenstauf, Habsburg and Luxemburg themselves, for more than a century, struggled for the imperial crown. [172] Such a revolt would probably have been popular among many Slavs, but they would have needed a strong leadership and organisation.It could be postulated that non-germanized Slavic nobility, which was already integrated into the Empire, was unwilling to lead the rebellion.With their position within the Empire secured they probably would not risk their priviliges for uncertain and doubtful gains.

    Contrary to common belief, a main factor in the process of germanisation of lands beyond the Elbe and Saale was not German colonisation, but rather slow germanisation of the Polabian Slavs.There is no hard evidence for mass Germanic migration into the region, except in Wagrien and Brandenburgia. [173] Nor could the economic re-structuring of the region could be attributed entirely to the migrants, although, the Germans were a driving force in those developments. At the same time there is evidence of Slavic nobility being fully accepted by the Germans, while the Slavic townsfolk participated in development of the cities.The Polabian Slavs were reported in many rural areas for centuries after the conquest.Some indirect evidence, like the survival of place and personal names, retention of serfdom in the east,also points to the germanization rather than migration.

    So, in the light of the above evidence, the main factor in germanization of the region east of the Elbe and Saale, was not a Germanic colonisation but long process of assimilation of local Slavic population.Taking into consideration the survival of Lusatian Sorbs, the process is still not completed.Hence, the modern German population has a substantial Slavic component.And in the case of the Lands that once formed East Germany, the population there is a Slavo-Germanic mixture, most likely with the Slavic elements being dominant [174] , a fact that probably many Germans would not wish to admit. Nevertheless, a modern German is not less German regardless of some of his ancestors being Slavic. Neither would anysane person question the right of Germans to the territory east of Elbe and Saale where 98 percent of population feels they are German.

    It has to be admitted, that the precise estimation for Polabian contribution to the emergence of German nation appears to be extremely difficult if not impossible.This is so because to set up precise criteria in such a research is unfeasible.The mixing of population in Central Europe was ongoing process for almost a millennium and genetic criteria are unapplicable. The linguistic and cultural criteria could be applied only at the time of migration, andthe written records are incomplete and often inconclusive.It also should be stressed, that since the Middle Ages, besides the relatively large scale germanization, a process of slavization was also taking place in Central Europe.Numerous Germans settled in Bohemia, Poland and Hungary; and for centuries they all lived and worked peacefully side by side.In the course of time many Germans were assimilated by local populations. Not surprisingly the German surnames are not uncommon among todays Poles, Czechs, Slovaks and Hungarians. [175] Although the whole germanization issue seems to be of no great importance, there are reasons why it should be addressed. For generations, many German historians tried to convince themeselves and everyone else, that the Polabian Slavs vanished from the land entirely soon after the conquest, or better, yet they never existed.To large extent they were successful.For example, while the Celtic heritage of Britain is widely acknowledged, the Polabian Slavs are hardly known outside academic circles.Also, a common understanding of the shared ethnic and cultural heritage in this part of Europe might have a wider implications.If the people of Central Europe had been always aware of that, such terrible things as happened there this century, might not have taken place at all.



    A P P E N D I X 1

    List of the place names in the modern Germany, appearing in the text,and their original Slavic names.All being still used by the Sorbs of Lusatia.

    Altenburg - Starohrod

    Bad Doberan - Doberan

    Berlin - Berlin

    Bautzen - Budy№in

    Berg on Rьgen - Gуra

    Brandenburg - Branibor

    Calau - Kalawa

    Cottbus - Chocebuѕ

    Dargun - Dargun

    Deberlug - Dobryіug

    Demmin - Dymin

    Dresden - Drjeѕdјany

    Elbe river - Јobjo

    Erfurt - Jarobrod

    Groitzsch - Grodјi№жo

    Havel river - Hobola

    Havelsberg - Hobolin

    Jahna - Gana ( doesn't exist anymore )

    Kцpenick - Kopjenik

    Lebus - Lubu№

    Leipzig - Lipsk

    Leitzkau - Leska

    Lьbeck - Lubice

    Magdeburg - Dјмwin

    Mersenburg - Mjezybor

    Meissen - Mi№no

    Mulde river - Modіa

    Naumburg - Namgrad

    Oder river - Wodra

    Oldenburg - Starigrad

    Peene river - Piana

    Platkow - Bіoto

    Prignitz - Przegnica

    Rethra - Radegosж ( doesn't exist anymore )

    Ratzeburg - Ratibor

    Rochlitz - Rochelice

    Rostock - Roztoka

    Rьgen island - Rugia ( this is slavization of old Germanic name )

    Saale river - Soіawa

    Schwerin - Swaryс

    Stolp - Stoіp

    Tornow - Tornow

    Usedom island - Uznoim

    Werben - Wjerbno

    Wismar - Wy№omir

    Zwickau - ¦wikawa



    SOURCES

    J. Brankaиk & F. Mмt№k, Stawizny Serbow, Vol. 1 W. Czapliсski & T. Јadogуrski, Atlas Historyczny Polski




    A P P E N D I X 2

    The map shows the division of Polabian Slavs into the Obodrite, Veleti and Sorbs. Some smaller tribal groups, relevant to the text, are also included. Others are omitted to preserve the clarity of picture.For the same reason a former border between East and West Germany was retained.The following lesser tribes are shown, in their English phonetic form and in Sorbian, if applicable. Bavarian Slavs (Moinvinidi and Radanzvinidi )

    Brezhane- sorb. Breѕenjo

    Drevyane- sorb. Drjewjenjo

    Glomache- sorb. Gіomaиenjo( also called Dalemintsi )

    Khuditsy- sorb. Chudicenjo

    Lipyane - Sorb. Lipjenjo

    Milchane- Sorb. Milиenjo

    Nizhane - sorb. Niѕany

    Stodorane - sorb. Stodoranojo







    B I B L I O G R A P H Y

    PRIMARY SOURCES


    • Adam of Bremen,Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, in F. J. Tschan, ed., History of the Archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959)
    • Fredegarius, Chronicle, in J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, ed.,The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar(London: Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd., 1960)
    • Helmold of Bossau, Chronica Slavorum, in F.J. Tschan, ed., Chronicle of the Slavs (New York: Octagon Books Inc., 1966)Saxo Grammaticus, Danorum Regum Heroumque Historia, Liber X-XVI, in E. Christiansen, transl. & ed.,(Oxford: British Archaeological Reports,International Series No. 84, 1984)
    • Thietmar of Mersenburg, Chronicon, in M.Z. Jedlicki ed.,Kronika Thietmara (Pozna ; Poland: Instytut Zachodni, 1953)
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    Labuda, G., 'Ustrуj Spoіeczny' (Social Structure), in L. Leciejewicz. ed., Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian (Almanac of the Ancient Slavic Culture), (Warszawa: Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990)
    Leciejewicz, L., Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian (Almanac of the Ancient Slavic Culture),(Warszawa;Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990)
    Leciejewicz, L., 'Pocz tki Miast' (The Beginnigs of Towns), in L. Leciejewicz, ed., Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian (Almanac of the Ancient SlavicCulture), (Warszawa; Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990).
    Le Goff, J., Medieval Civilisation, 400-1500 (Oxford: BasilBlackwell Ltd., 1988)
    Leyser, K.J., Medieval Germany and its Neighbours, 900-1250 (London: The Hambledon Press, 1982)Јowmiaсski, H., Poczatki Polski (The Beginings of Poland),(Warszawa; Poland: Paсstwowe WydawnictwoNaukowe, 1967)
    McKitterick, R., The Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians, 751-987 (London: Longman Group Ltd., 1983)
    ?????‚?.&
    ????‚?. , ????????????????????? (Upper Sorbian Handbook),(Bautzen/Budy№in, Germany: Ludowe Nakіadnistwo Domowina, 1983)
    Munz P.,Life in the Age of Charlemagne (London: B.T.Batsford, 1969)
    Nalepa, J., 'Characterystyka Jezykowa' (Linguistic Characteristics), in L. Leciejewicz, Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian (Almanac of the Ancient Slavic Culture),(Warszawa, Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990)
    Nicholas, D., The Evolution of the Medieval World, 312-1500 (London: Longman Group UK Limited, 1992)Nielsen, G.R., In Search of a Home: The Wends (Sorbs) on the Australian and Texas Frontier (Birmingham: Birmingham Slavonic Monographs, 1977)
    Polanski, K. &
    Sehnert, J.A., Polabian - English Dictionary (The Hague: Mouton & Company, 1967)
    Poole, A.L., 'Germany: Henry I and Otto The Great', in J. B. Bury, ed., The Cambridge Medieval History,Vol III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926)
    Postan, M. M., 'Economic Relations Between Eastern And Western Europe', in G. Barraclough, ed., Eastern and Western Europe in the Middle Ages (London:Thames And Hudson, 1970)
    Roderick, C., 'New Light on Leichhard', Journal of Royal Australian Historical Society, Vol. 72, Part 3, December 1986, pp. 166-190.
    Rybakov, B., Early Centuries of Russian History (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1965)
    Schreiber, H., Teutons and Slavs - The Struggle for EasternEurope (London: Constable & Co. Ltd., 1965)
    Seibt, F., 'The Religious Problems', in G. Barraclough, ed., Eastern and Western Europe in the Middle Ages (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970)
    Senff, H.D., &
    Senff, N., &
    Senff, N.D., Folkdances of the Sorbs-Wends (Swansea, NSW, Australia: Sumptibus Publications, 1992)
    Stone, G., The Smallest Slavonic Nation: The Sorbs of Lusatia (London: Athalone Press, 1972)
    Strzelczyk, J., Sіowiaсie i Germanie w Niemczech ¦rodkowych weWczesnym¦redniowieczu (The Slavs and Germans in the Central Germany in the Early MiddleAges),(Poznaс, Poland: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1976)
    Strzelczyk, J., 'Problemy Badaс nad Zachodnia Peryferia Osadnictwa Sіowiaсskiego w Niemczech' (TheResearch Issues of Western Periphery of the Slavic Settlement in Germany), in J.Strzelczyk, Sіowiaсszczyzna Poіabska (The Polabian Slavdom),(Poznaс, Poland: WydawnictwoUniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1981)
    (c)oіta, J. &
    Kunze, P. &
    (c)мn F., Nowy Biografiski Sіownik k Stawiznam a Kulturje Serbow (The New Biographical Almanac of the Sorbian Culture and History),(Bautzen/Budy№in,Germany: Ludowe Nakіadnistwo Domowina, 1984)
    Suіowski, Z., 'Sporne Problemy Dziejуw Zwiazku Wieletуw - Lucicуw' (The Controvercial Issues from the History of the Veletian-Lutitian Union), in J. Strzelczyk, Sіowiaсszczyzna Poіabska (The Polabian Slavdom),(Poznaс, Poland: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1981)
    Vбсa, Z., The World of the Ancient Slavs (London: Orbis Publishing Co., 1977).
    Wasilewski, T., Historia Sіowian Poіudniowych i Zachodnich(History of the Southern and Western Slavs),(Warszawa; Poland: Paсstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1977)
    <li>Woloch, I., Eighteen Century Europe. Tradition and Progress, 1715-1789 (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1982) Wyrozumski, J.L., Historia Polski do Roku 1505 (History of Poland Till 1505),(Warszawa; Poland: Paсstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1984






    FOOTNOTES


    [001] M. Gimbuts, The Slavs (London: Thames & Hudson, 1971),pp. 124-129.

    [002] Sorbs of Lusatia: R. G. A. De Bray, Guide to the Slavonic Languages (London: J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1963), pp. 673-676.

    [003] H.Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs - The Struggle for Eastern Europe (London: Constable & Co. Ltd., 1965), p. 51; and K.J. Leyser, Medieval Germany and its Neighbours, 900-1250 (London: The Hambledon Press,1982), p. 41.

    [004] Fredegarius, Chronicle, in J.M. Wallace-Hadrill. ed., The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar London: Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd., 1960), Book IV.87.

    [005] On Slavo-Germanic relationship in Carolingian period; Charlemagne: J. Brankaиk & F. Mмt№k, Stawizny Serbow, Vol. 1 (Bautzen/Budy№in, Germany: Ludowe Nakіadnistwo Domowina, 1977), p. 62, and in: J. №olta & P. Kunze & F.Sмn, Nowy Biografiski Sіownik k Stawiznam a Kulturje Serbow (Bautzen/Budy№in, Germany: Ludowe Nakіadnistwo Domowina, 1984), p. 379; and T. Wasilewski, Historia Sіowian Poіudniowych i Zachodnich (Warszawa; Polandaсstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1977), p. 60; and in the times of Louis the German: R. McKitterick, The Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians, 751-987 (London: Longman Group Ltd., 1983), pp. 176-177.

    [006] F. Dvornik, The Making of Central and Eastern Europe(Florida: Academic International Press, 1974), pp. 28,30.

    [007] S.H. Cross, Slavic Civilisation through the Ages (New York: Russell & Russell Inc., 1963), p. 129; and in: H. Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs, p. 62.

    [008] TM, Book III.16-20; and HB, Book I.16; and F. Dvornik,The Making.., pp. 60-61; and F. J. Tschan in, HB, pp. 81-85.

    [009] F. Dvornik, The Slavs: Their Early History andCivilisation (Boston: American Academy of Arts andScience, 1959), p. 309.

    [010] F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., p. 308; and M.Z. Jedlicki,in TM, p. LX; and H. Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs, p. 55.

    [Index]
    [011] D. B. Grigg, Population Growth and Agrarian Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980 ), pp. 7,281 and in: F. Dvornik, The Slavs...,p. 308.


    [012] J. Le Goff, Medieval Civilisation, 400-1500 (Oxford:Basil Blackwell Ltd., 1988), p. 59; and in: H.Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages, c. 1050- 1200 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ed.1989), p. 13.

    [013] J. Le Goff, Medieval Civilisation, p. 59; and in: H.Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages, p. 13.

    [014] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe: Conquest,Colonisation and Cultural Change, 950-1350 (London: Allen Lane - The Penguin Press, 1993), pp. 90-93.

    [015] F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., p. 308.

    [016] F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., p. 306.

    [017] HB, Book I.89(88).

    [018] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 115; and F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., p. 309.

    [019] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 115.

    [020] ibid., pp. 121-122, 213.

    [Index]
    [021] ibid., p. 136; and H. Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages, p. 124.

    [022] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 127.

    [023] ibid., p. 131.

    [024] ibid., p. 31; and K. Bosl, 'Political Relations Between East and West', in G. Barraclough, ed., Eastern And Western Europe in the Middle Ages (London:Thames And Hudson, 1970), p. 65.

    [025] HB, Book I.84(83) & II.105(9).

    [026] K. Bosl, 'Political Relations Between East and West', p. 65.

    [027] 1166, Henry The Lion agreement with Przybysіaw: HB, Book II. 103(7); and on Matilda, daugther of Henry the Lion, see: E. Christiansen in SG, p. 911.

    [028] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 144.

    [029] ibid., p. 137.

    [030] H.Јowmiaсski, Pocz tki Polski (Warszawa; Poland: Paсstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1967), p. 237.

    [Index]
    [031] for Ibrahim ibn Jacub account, see: ibid., pp. 238-239.

    [032] W. Hensel, Sіowiaсszczyzna Wczesno¶redniowieczna(Warszawa; Poland: Paсstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987), pp. 42-43.

    [033] for St. Boniface account, see: R. G. A. De Bray, Guide to the Slavonic Languages, p. 674.

    [034] W. Hensel, Sіowiaсszczyzna..., pp. 39-41, 48-49; also in: Z. Vбсa, The World of the Ancient Slavs (London:Orbis Publishing Co., 1977), p. 152.

    [035] W. Hensel, Sіowiaсszczyzna..., pp. 99-128.

    [036] S. Kurnatowski, 'Przemiany Gospodarki¬ywno¶ciowejSіowian Poіabskich',in J. Strzelczyk, Sіowiaсszczyzna Poіabska (Poznaс , Poland: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1981), pp. 83-84.

    [037] J. Brankaиk & F. Mмt№k, Stawizny Serbow, pp. 30, 33;and W. Hensel, Sіowiaсszczyzna..., p.135.

    [038] L. Leciejewicz, 'Pocz tki Miast', in L. Leciejewicz,ed., Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian (Warszawa, Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990), pp. 546-559., alsoin: H. Schreiber, Teutons And Slavs, pp. 43-46.

    [039] AOB, Book II.XXII(19).

    [040] On Jцmsviking Saga, see: L. Leciejewicz, SіownikKultury Dawnych Sіowian, p. 159.

    [Index]
    [041] L. Leciejewicz, Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian, p.411.

    [042] AOB, Book II.XXII(19).

    [043] Joachim Herrmann's analysis: S. Kurnatowski,'Przemiany Gospodarki...', pp. 71, 85.

    [044] For some claims of no towns in the Western Slavdom, see: A. Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 1056-1273(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988) p. 296; for claim of a primitive subsistance mode among the Slavs,see: G. R. Nielsen, In Search of a Home: The Wends(Sorbs) on the Australian And Texas Frontier(Birmingham: Birmingham Slavonic Monographs, 1977), p. 7; and R.L. Poole, 'Germany: Henry I and Otto the Great', in J. B. Bury, ed., The Cambridge Medieval History, Vol III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964), p. 183.

    [045] W. Czapli ski & T.Јadogуrski, Atlas HistorycznyPolski (Warszawa, Poland: P.P.W.K., 1967), p.5; and Hensel, Sіowiaсszczyzna..., p. 393n; and:L.Leciejewicz, Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian, p. 420; and: H.Јowmiaсski, Poczatki Polski, pp. 311, 312n.

    [046] M. M. Postan, 'Economic Relations Between Eastern and Western Europe', in G. Barraclough, ed., Eastern andWestern Europe in the Middle Ages (London: Thames And Hudson, 1970), pp. 169-170.

    [047] Black Death stoppintg immigration: ibid., pp. 169-170.

    [048] 1347 Black Death effects on Europe: R. S. Gottfried, The Black Death: Natural and Human Disaster in Medieval Europe (London: Robert Hale Ltd., 1983), pp. 68, 75,133-135.

    [049] On shift to tenure system in the West, see: Nicholas, The Evolution of the Medieval World, 312-1500 (London: Longman Group UK Limited, 1992) p. 157; and: R. S. Gottfried, The Black Death, pp. 133-135; and in: M. M. Postan, 'Economic Relations...,' pp. 169-170; and: I. Woloch, Eighteen Century Europe. Tradition and Progress, 1715-1789 (NewYork: W.W. Norton & Co., 1982), pp. 60-64.

    [050] R. S. Gottfried, The Black Death, p. 136.

    [Index]
    > [051] HB, Book I.84(83) & II.105(9).

    [052] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 118; and in: D. Nicholas, The Evolution of the Medieval World, 312-1500, p. 157.

    [053] K.J. Leyser, Medieval Germany..., pp. 82-83, 88-90.

    [054] TM, Book I.16.

    [055] K.J. Leyser, Medieval Germany..., pp. 88-89.

    [056] HB, BookI.12.

    [057] K.J. Leyser, Medieval Germany..., pp. 89-90.

    [058] On the integration of the Slavs into Empire's economy:K.J. Leyser, Medieval Germany..., pp. 82-85.

    [059] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 295; and H. Schreiber, Teutons And Slavs, pp. 243-244.

    [060] HB, Book I.13-14.

    [Index]
    [061] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 295; and H. Schreiber, Teutons And Slavs, pp. 243-244.

    [062] E. Christiansen, in SG, p. 788; and: Z. Vбсa, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 212.

    [063] H.Јowmiaсski, Poczatki Polski, p. 404.

    [064] H. Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs, p. 242.

    [065] HB, Book I.69.

    [066] HB, Book I.83(82).

    [067] HB, Book I.84(83).

    [068] TM, Book II.38.

    [069] TM, Book III.21.

    [070] TM, Book VI.28.

    [Index]
    [071] TM, Book VI.80.

    [072] TM, Book VIII.21.

    [073] TM, Book VI.28.

    [074] L. Leciejewicz, Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian, p. 42; and: H.Јowmiaсski, Poczatki Polski, pp. 494-495.

    [075] J.(c)oіta & P. Kunze & F.(c)мn, Nowy Biografiski..., p. 391.

    [076] ibid., 604.

    [077] ibid., 604.

    [078] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 56.

    [079] B.A. Hill, Jr., Medieval Monarchy in Action (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1972), pp. 25-27, 29 & 25n.

    [080] TM, Book II.35.

    [Index]
    [081] K.J. Leyser, Medieval Germany..., pp. 59, 59n.

    [082] TM, Book VII.23; also in: J. Brankaиk & F. Mмt№k, Stawizny Serbow, p. 90.

    [083] HB, Book II. 100(4).

    [084] H. Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages, c.1050 - 1200, pp. 36-37.

    [085] J. Strzelczyk, Sіowiaсie i Germanie w Niemczech(c)rodkowych we Wczesnym(c)redniowieczu (Poznaс , Poland: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1976), p. 226.

    [086] H.Јowmiaсski, Poczatki Polski, pp. 453, 453n.

    [087] M.Z. Jedlicki, in TM, p. 301n.

    [088] J. Strzelczyk, Sіowiaсie i Germanie..., p. 220.

    [089] H.Јowmiaсski, Poczatki Polski, p. 454.

    [090] A. Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, p. 335.

    [Index]
    [091] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 274-278.

    [092] H .Јowmiaсski, Poczatki Polski, p. 495.

    [093] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 204.

    [094] For modern Sorbian first names & surnames, see: J.(c)oіta & P. Kunze & F.(c)мn, Nowy Biografiski Sіownik kStawiznam A Kulturje Serbow.

    [095] For technical borrowings in Sorbian, see: ?????‚?.&????‚?. , ????????????????????? ( Bautzen/ Budy№in, Germany: Ludowe Nakіadnistwo Domowina, 1983).

    [096] H. Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs, pp. 61-62.and in:R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 172. On chartering existing towns, see: ibid., p. 169.

    [097] F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., p. 309.

    [098] Encyclopaedia Britannica (London & New York:Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc., 1982 ed.), Vol. II, p. 233.

    [099] HB, Book I.57.

    [100] L. Leciejewicz, Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian, p. 236.

    [Index]
    [101] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 180.

    [102] ibid., p. 180.

    [103] ibid., p. 180.

    [104] Z. Vбсa, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 220.

    [105] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 181.

    [106] ibid., p. 206.

    [107] Stone, The Smallest Slavonic Nation: The Sorbs of Lusatia (London: Athalone Press, 1972), p. 12.

    [108] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 238.

    [109] ibid., p. 238.

    [110] G. Stone, The Smallest Slavonic Nation, p. 39.

    [Index]
    [111] J. Brankaиk & F. Mмt№k, Stawizny Serbow, pp. 123-126.

    [112] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 211.

    [113] ibid., pp. 212-214, 218-219.

    [114] ibid., p. 210, 218-219.

    [115] ibid., p. 210.

    [116] ibid., p. 223.

    [117] ibid., p. 223.

    [118] A. Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, pp. 294-298.

    [119] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 219.

    [120] K. Bosl, 'Political Relations Between East And West', p. 62.

    [Index]
    [121] J. Brankaиk & F. Mмt№k, Stawizny Serbow, pp. 90-91; and H.Јowmiaсski, Poczatki Polski, p. 420.

    [122] HB, Book I.92(91).

    [123] Bamberg diocese document: B.A. Hill, Jr., MedievalMonarchy in Action, p. 185.

    [124] J. Strzelczyk, 'Problemy Badaс nad ZachodniaPeryferia Osadnictwa Sіowiaсskiego w Niemczech', J. Strzelczyk, Sіowiaсszczyzna Poіabska (Poznaс,Poland: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Aama Mickiewicza, 1981), pp. 195-197.

    [125] J. Brankaиk & F. Mмt№k, Stawizny Serbow, p. 98.

    [126] ibidem.

    [127] P. Jasienica, Polska Jagiellonуw (Warszawa; Poland.;Paсstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1986), p. 298.

    [128] T. Wasilewski, Historia Sіowian Poіudniowych iZachodnich, p. 72.

    [129] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 299.

    [130] T. Wasilewski, Historia Sіowian Poіudniowych iZachodnich, p. 72.

    [Index]
    [131] ibid., p. 73.

    [132] J. L. Wyrozumski, Historia Polski do Roku 1505(Warszawa; Poland: Paсstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1984), p. 218.

    [133] J. Nalepa, 'Characterystyka J zykowa', in L.Leciejewicz, Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian (Warszawa, Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990), p. 455.

    [134] Johanes Schulze statement: R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 204.

    [135] K. Polanski & J. A. Sehnert, Polabian - English Dictionary (The Hague: Mouton & Company, 1967), pp. 7-9.

    [136] F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., p. 311.

    [137] ibid., pp. 290-291; and T. Wasilewski, Historia Sіowian Poіudniowych i Zachodnich, p. 152.

    [138] R. G. A. De Bray, Guide to the Slavonic Languages, p. 674.

    [139] J. Brankaиk & F. Mмt№k, Stawizny Serbow, p. 96.

    [140] R. G. A. De Bray, Guide to the Slavonic Languages, p. 675.

    [Index]
    [141] R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 213-214.

    [142] J. Strzelczyk, Sіowianie i Germanie..., p. 158.

    [143] ibid., pp. 187-191.

    [144] ibid., pp. 191-198.

    [145] ibid., pp. 199-207.

    [146] ibid., pp. 223-224.

    [147] ibid., pp. 196-198.

    [148] ibid., pp. 249-273.

    [149] ibid., p. 203.

    [150] ibid., p. 225.

    [Index]
    [151] ibid, p. 226.

    [152] ibid., pp. 226-227.

    [153] Windische Gasse: ibid., pp. 229-230.

    [154] For Slavic surnames in Germany, see: J. (c)oіta & P. Kunze & F. (c)мn, Nowy Biografiski....

    [155] On Slavic places names in Germany, see: J. Brankaиk & F. Mмt№k, Stawizny Serbow, p. 95; and J. Herrmann, 'The Northern Slavs', in D. M. Wilson, ed., The Northern World: The History and Heritage of Northern Europe, AD 400-1100 (London: Thames And Hudson, 1980), p. 206; and H. Јowmiaсski, Poczatki Polski, 22-23, 97; and R. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 169.

    [156] H. D. Senff & N. Senff & N. D. Senff, Folkdances of the Sorbs-Wends (Swansea, Australia: SumptibusPublications, 1992), pp. 5-24.

    [157] I. Woloch, Eighteen Century Europe, pp. 60-64.

    [158] Magdeburg archdiocese: J. Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany (Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1982), pp. 137-138; and on Hamburg-Bremenarchdiocese: Z. Suіowski, 'Sporne Problemy DziejуwZwiazku Wieletуw - Lucicуw', J. Strzelczyk, Sіowiaсszczyzna Poіabska (Poznaс, Poland: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1981), p. 164.

    [159] On medieval Christianity as a feudal faith: S.H.Cross, Slavic Civilisation through the Ages, p. 65; and F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., pp. 293-295; and B. Rybakov, Early Centuries of Russian History (Moscowrogress Publishers, 1965), p. 52; and also in: H.Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs, p. 56.

    [160] L. Leciejewicz, Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian, p. 30.

    [Index]
    [161] Cisterians at Dargun: ibid., p. 73.

    [162] Cisterians at Bad Doberan: ibid., pp. 87, 88.

    [163] ibid., pp. 87, 88.

    [164] Benedictine on Rьgen: ibid., p. 125.

    [165] ibid., p. 207.

    [166] Premonserians at Usedom: ibid., p. 394.

    [167] F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., p. 311; and L. Leciejewicz, Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian, p. 310; and F. Seibt, 'The Religious Problems', in G. Barraclough, ed., Eastern and Western Europe in the Middle Ages(London: Thames and Hudson, 1970), p. 107.

    [168] H. Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs, p. 62.

    [169] F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., p. 309; and L. Leciejewicz, Sіownik Kultury Dawnych Sіowian, p. 213.

    [170] G. R. Nielsen, In Search of a Home, p. 9.

    [Index]
    [171] C. Roderick, 'New Light On Leichhard', Journal of Royal Australian Historical Society, Vol. 72, Part 3, December 1986, p. 168-169.

    [172] F. Dvornik, The Slavs in European History and Civilisation (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1962), p. 9; and P. Jasienica, Polska Piastуw(Warszawa; Poland.; Paсstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy,1983), p. 206.

    [173] D. B. Grigg, Population Growth and Agrarian Change, p. 80.

    [174] On the large Slavic admixture in the German population: K. Bosl, 'Political Relations Between East And West', pp. 68-69; and: H. Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs, p. 67.

    [175] K. Bosl, 'Political Relations Between East and West',pp. 66, 68.

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    Post Re: Germanisation of the land between the Elbe-Saale and the Oder rivers

    Careful. The people east of the Elbe were Germanic (Wenden -> Wandalen, Gothen etc.) The application of the term slavic - has other reasons then ethno-lingual ones.

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    Quote Originally Posted by Horagalles View Post
    Careful. The people east of the Elbe were Germanic (Wenden -> Wandalen, Gothen etc.) The application of the term slavic - has other reasons then ethno-lingual ones.
    Carefuller! It could be argued with just as much justification that the etymology goes the other way! Veneti as the root of Vandal. Others would say to the contrary that the word that became 'Wander' in English is of more relevance to the Vandals' tribal name.
    As you say, the people east of the Elbe were Germanic - true enough in Tacitus's or Ptolemy's day, but less so in Charlemagne's. Ethno-Absolutism is not a useful mental tool when dealing with these periods of history and prehistory.

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    Quote Originally Posted by Oswiu View Post
    .... As you say, the people east of the Elbe were Germanic - true enough in Tacitus's or Ptolemy's day, but less so in Charlemagne's. Ethno-Absolutism is not a useful mental tool when dealing with these periods of history and prehistory.
    Could you please explain what had changed between the days of Tacitus and Charlemagne? Of course any sources / proof on this would be great. The only larger event that I can think of would be the Hunnish occupation of these lands East to the Elbe.
    "And God proclaims as a first principle to the rulers, and above all else, that there is nothing which they should so anxiously guard, or of which they are to be such good guardians, as of the purity of the race. They should observe what elements mingle in their offspring;..." Plato Politeia

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    Quote Originally Posted by Horagalles View Post
    Could you please explain what had changed between the days of Tacitus and Charlemagne? Of course any sources / proof on this would be great. The only larger event that I can think of would be the Hunnish occupation of these lands East to the Elbe.
    The Huns didn't actually occupy these lands in person, though it would appear that they certainly had some degree of political clout among Germanics and other peoples around their Pannonian base. I have no texts or sources to hand at the moment, but it would appear that in general, the Eastern Germanic peoples shifted their territories to the south and west, drawn into the whirlpool that was the Roman Empire in its later agonies and crisis, and thus wide spaces were left open to Slavonic colonisation in the wake of the Goths, Burgundians, Vandals and so on.

    Read Gibbon - still the best book on it all despite having been written before the French Revolution! Thomas Carlyle has a good section on the Slavonic past of Brandenburg in his biography of Friedrich the Great (it's free on the net somewhere).

    Just look at the maps that people draw from Tacitus and Pliny and Ptolemy, and compare the last known whereabouts of many of the peoples there shown east of the Elbe. Some where in Africa even! Others had ended up in the Crimea, Gaul, Hispania, Britannia, Italy, the Balkans... Quite an opportunity for expansion to old eastern Venetic neighbours, who went on to create the Czech, Polish, Sorbian and other Wendish lands in the area. THe Slavs also had their own reasons for migrating, given the pressures on them from their neighbours, though the activities of Steppe nomads like the Sarmatians, Avars and so on are rather obscure at this date. Affairs even in eastern Asia had their distant influence in Europe, as the Huns were driven out and persecuted by the rejuvenated Chinese Empire and their Turkic and Mongolic allies.

    Even the departure of the Angles and a large part of the Saxons from the continent left something of a vacuum allowing for the Vagrii to be in the process of taking the land that became Schleswig Holstein, until the efforts of the Danish Kings and the Carolingians put a stop to it.

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    Yes, it's true, Anglo-Saxons used to live in this region and it's obvious, since Angeln is on the Baltic side of Jutland. It only seems that Frisians are native to the North Sea side, with Jutes in the middle, but otherwise would all be part of Ingvaeones. Since it's plain that Slavs weren't native there, it makes me wonder how life would be had Britain never been settled. It must be like wondering how the Trondelag would continue without moving out to Iceland, as to whether Finnmark would expand down to the Lofoten or not.

    Quote Originally Posted by Horagalles View Post
    Could you please explain what had changed between the days of Tacitus and Charlemagne? Of course any sources / proof on this would be great. The only larger event that I can think of would be the Hunnish occupation of these lands East to the Elbe.
    Creasy, Edward Shepherd (1969). "Chapter VI. The Battle of Chalons, A.D. 451". Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World from Marathon to Waterloo (Harper ed.). Heritage Press/BiblioLife. p. 149. ASIN B000LF91OK. In the title which he assumed, we shall see the skill with which he availed himself of the legends and creeds of other nations as well as of his own. He designated himself 'Attila, Descendant of the Great Nimrod. Nurtured in Engaddi. By the grace of God, King of the Huns, the Goths, the Danes, and the Medes. The Dread of the World.'"

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