The following text (of course "critical" against nationalism and the non-"Western" Germanic idea) throws light on the differences of the Germanic idea between Germany and England over the centuries. I translated it from Klaus von See, "Deutsche Germanen-Ideologie. Vom Humanismus bis zur Gegenwart", Frankfurt am Main 1970, p. 44-46, 82-84.
Romanness and Greekness in the idea of Germans and English
The German poetry of the time of Goethe provides a contribution to the theme of the Germanic idea at the best indirectly. Namely in it a characteristical German bent in the sttitude towards the ancient culture shines through again: the strong preference given to the Greek before to the Roman. Without doubt purely artistic assessments play a part, especially in the time of the original genius (Originalgenie) of course the high esteem for the original in contrast to the alledgedly only imitated. To this adds an affinity in political respect, from the own political situation a better understanding of the Greek minor state particularism than of the greater-space organization of the Roman Empire. But the background of this attitude is a general anti-Roman affect, a through traditional clichés dogmatized feeling of alienness to the Roman nature.
Already the Humanists are endeavour to emphasize the merits of the Greeks at the expense of the Romans, because they want to owe as less to the Romans as possible: Celtis thinks that the Germanics got first used to Christianity through Greek "druids" who were driven out of Gaul by Tiberius, and for that one had "to know now and always great thanks for the Greeks". And the Greekness of Schiller, Goethe, Humboldt and Hölderlin is followed then in the decades after World War One by a so-called "third humanism": the effort of Werner Jaeger to surmount the aestheticism and individualism of the time of Goethe with the turn to the idea of political formation of man at the Greeks, an effort which is not only characteristical for the idea in which it is developed, but also again characteristical German so far as itself wants to see poitical thinking orientated by a quite irrational concept of the state, more based on ethical demands than on institutions.
It is now interesting to compare with all that the total other attitude of the English towards antiquity. In England, one stays always conscious of once having been part of the Roman Empire. In the early Middle Ages, the Christian-Latin educational tradition joins together fast and easily with the folk-language poetry - as late as today, Virgil plays in England a greater part than Homer -. And the more the British Empire grows, the more one becomes conscious of the analogies to the Imperium Romanum with regard to organization and the civilisatoric mission. Greece on the other side steps - in spite of Byron and Keats - noticeably into the background. Lord Cromer, a high British colonial officar and leading advocate of the Empire idea is elected in 1909 to president of the "Classical Association" in London and makes for this reason a speach with the title "Ancient and Modern Imperialism". He says there "that the un-disciplined and idealistic Greek with his pronounced individuality is much less suited for realizing an Imperialist policy than the strict and practical Roman who not only made laws, but obeyed them". To this type of the strict, sober, practical Roman the Englishman is attached. The ancient Germanic tradition plays in contrast to this a very little part, or ot is indeed from the start more regarded from the Roman-Christian-Occidental point of view and less out of the feeling of an inner-mental relationship. [...]
Vikings and Anglo-Saxons
An even minor part than at the Scandinavians does the ancient Germanic tradition play at the the third partner of the Germanic union, at the English. It was already said in a former paragraph that the Germanics were seen there from the Christian-Occidental point of view and less out of the feeling of an inner-mental relationship. Surely that is historically explainable: the English know - in their literary tradition - the Germanics above all as Vikings, that means as cruel, plundering invadors who striked the island at a time when it has been already for a long time part of the Christian Occident. Erik Linklater describes these "Danes" in his novel "The Men of Ness" (1932) as Barbarians who are brave until to the death, brutal, boastful and greedy for possession - an image that has a so much desillusioning effect, as Linklater follows formally the style of the Icelandic saga. As late as on the eve of World War One the English-German antagonism is put in the phrase "Christ or Odin".
The mental relationships between England and Germany are quite loose during the 19th century - in spite of Coleridge and Carlyle on the one and Wagner on the other side. So much the tighter are the relationships to France. The old Roman-Christian educational tradition may be one of the conditions for this Western European direction; but much more decisive is of course the influx of French culture after the Norman conquest. And at last something third adds to this: the Celtic heritage which connects England Gallo-Romance France and helps to underpin the political "Entente cordiale" of 1904 mentally. By the way, one needn't think here only of the historical idea of a Celtic original population - also the mental tradition plays a part: what the world of the Germanic myths is for the illustrators of the German Jugendstil (art nouveau), that are for the pre-Raffaelits the legends around King Arthur.
All that combines to sever England out of the union of the Germanic nations and to move it into the union of Romance-Western European nations. The "Saturday Review" of September 29, 1876, compares the emergent German Reich with those nations that possess an old civilization: England, France and Italy!
In Germany, one was always little conscious of these ties of England to the Romance-Western European civilization, and that lead at the beginning of the first as well as at the beginning of the second world war to a deep, but totally groundless disappointment in the so-called "English cousin". Emperor Wilhelm II. who fancies himself in stylizing World War One - similar to the National Socialists with World War Two - to a race war and to give to it with this the character of a principle and final conflict, writes already in 1912 in one of his affected-brisk marginals: "The real trader nation! That is what it calls peace policy! Balance of power! The final struggle of Slavs and Germanics finds the Anglo-Saxons at the side of Slavs and Gauls." The saying of the "trader nation" (Krämervolk) shows that one knows on the German side to class the English ties to Western Europe fast to the usual clichés which actually goes for the contrast between Germanics and Romans. Werner Sombart calls in 1915 this contrast most concise with the already quoted alliterative phrase Händler und Helden ("traders and heroes"). In his book with this title he says in respect to English and Germans: "The trader... wants to make a profitable deal with life... The hero... wants to give, wants to waste himself, wants to sacrifice himself - without counter gift... But the virtues of the hero are are those that are contrary to those of the trader: they are positive, giving and waking life, they are 'giving virtues': the sacrificial courage, faithfulness, innocence, awe, bravery, piety, obedience, goodness".
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