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Thread: German Cities with Highest Percentage of Non-Germans

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    Thumbs Up German Cities with Highest Percentage of Non-Germans

    In Germany there are officially 7.34 million Ausländer registrated as inhabitants. This is 8.9 %. The Ausländer are concentrated mostly in West-German cities.

    1. Frankfurt am Main: 28.7 % (ca. 1/4 are from former Yugoslavia)

    2. Stuttgart: 24 % (nearly 1/3 are from former Yugoslavia)

    3. Munich: 20.9 % (about 1/5 are Turks)

    4. Mannheim: 20.1 % (ca. 1/3 are Turks)

    5. Ludwigshafen: 19.8 % (ca. 1/3 are Turks)

    6. Cologne: 18.6 % (nearly 1/2 are Turks) / Nuremberg: 18.6 % (more than 1/4 are Turks)

    7. Wiesbaden: 17.9 % (ca. 1/4 are Turks)

    8. Mainz: 17.7 % (ca. 1/5 are Turks)

    9. Duisburg: 16.6 % (nearly 2/3 are Turks)

    10. Düsseldorf: 16.3 % (ca. 1/5 are Turks) / Augsburg: 16.3 % (more than 1/3 are Turks)

    11. Hamburg: 15.1 % (ca. 1/4 are Turks) / Krefeld: 15.1 % (more than 1/3 are Turks)

    12. Hannover: 14.8 % (ca. 1/3 are Turks) / Kassel: 14.8 % (more than 1/3 are Turks)

    13. Solingen: 14.6 % (more than 1/3 are Turks)

    14. Hagen: 14.5 % (more than 1/3 are Turks)

    15. Wuppertal: 14.4 % (nearly 1/3 are Turks)

    16. Gelsenkirchen: 13.92 % (nearly 2/3 are Turks)

    17. Bonn: 13.4 % (about 1/5 are Turks) / Aachen: 13.4 % (ca. 1/4 are Turks)

    18. Berlin: 13.2 % (ca. 1/3 are Turks) [The percentage is so "low" because they are concentrated mostly in former West Berlin]

    19. Freiburg im Breisgau: 13.1 % (the biggest group are the Italians)

    20. Dortmund: 13 % (more than 1/3 are Turks)

    21. Herne: 12.6 % (nearly 2/3 are Turks)

    22. Bielefeld: 12.5 % (nearly 1/2 are Turks)

    23. Karlsruhe: 12.4 % (1/5 are Turks)

    24. Saarbrücken: 12.3 % (ca. 1/5 are Italians)

    25. Bremen: 12.1 % (more than 1/3 are Turks)/ Leverkusen: 12.1 % (ca. 1/4 are Turks)

    26. Oberhausen: 11.4 % (nearly 1/2 are Turks)

    27. Hamm: 10.9 % (more than 1/2 Turks)

    28. Mönchengladbach: 10.5 % (ca. 1/3 are Turks)

    29. Osnabrück: 10.2 % (ca. 1/4 are Turks)

    (Source: Daily Newspaper Die Welt, Aug. 3, 2003)

    These are the official numbers (of 1999). Apart from Illegals the real percentage of Ausländer is quite higher, because such who have the German citizenship are counted in statistics as "Germans" - and naturalization was pushed and made easier in the last years.
    Last edited by Nordgau; Friday, September 12th, 2003 at 06:51 AM. Reason: I have forgotten Nuremberg and Kassel.

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    7.34 Ausländer? I wish. :hat

    (One of them must have been butchered , what is unfortunate, be it then it is 7.34 million. )

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    Quote Originally Posted by Nordgau
    In Germany there are officially 7.34 Ausländer registrated as inhabitants. This is 8.9 %.


    I don't understand what you mean by these sentences, Thorburnulf.

    What I'd like to know about these figures are thus (maybe you can comment on these):

    1.) What % of these %s are 'European' 'racials.'
    2.) What % of these %s are non-German 'deutschers' by speech/heritage (Austrians, Swiss, Alsacians, etc.).
    3.) What % of these %s are non-'deutsch' 'Germanic' 'sub-racials/meta-ethnics.'

    These are some important questions to be asked, methinks.

    Nevertheless, I find these figures SHOCKING! Surely they are a barometer for the true non-'European' racials in each instance (you've borne this out a little by your inclusion of theTurkish figures).

    Quote Originally Posted by Nordgau
    These are the official numbers (of 1999). Apart from Illegals the real percentage of Ausländer is quite higher,...


    Yeah, these are the OFFICIAL figures, God only knows the TRUE figures, sadly.

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    Why do they let so many Turks into Germany?
    .

    IHR Revisionist Conference, April 24, 2004, internet broadcast:

    http://www.internationalrevisionistconference.c om/

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    Quote Originally Posted by Tryggvi
    7.34 Ausländer? I wish. :hat

    (One of them must have been butchered , what is unfortunate, be it then it is 7.34 million. )
    Yes, indeed, the wish must have lead my hand when I typed it.

    I'll change it - it's too embarrassing.

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    Quote Originally Posted by Suomut2_13

    I don't understand what you mean by these sentences, Thorburnulf.

    What I'd like to know about these figures are thus (maybe you can comment on these):

    1.) What % of these %s are 'European' 'racials.'
    2.) What % of these %s are non-German 'deutschers' by speech/heritage (Austrians, Swiss, Alsacians, etc.).
    3.) What % of these %s are non-'deutsch' 'Germanic' 'sub-racials/meta-ethnics.'

    These are some important questions to be asked, methinks.

    Nevertheless, I find these figures SHOCKING! Surely they are a barometer for the true non-'European' racials in each instance (you've borne this out a little by your inclusion of theTurkish figures).



    Yeah, these are the OFFICIAL figures, God only knows the TRUE figures, sadly.
    The true figures and implications are always much worse than the published statistics indicate, yes.

    As has been pointed out already, the given percentages do not consider illegal aliens, nor aliens with a special status (typically asylum seekers), nor naturalized aliens, nor the offspring of naturalized aliens or the offspring of unnaturalized aliens with a German citizen, &c.

    Another good example is the figure that 70+% of Americans are still white. Apart from the fact that many illegal aliens were not counted by the census, "white", in this case, is based on self-classification and includes thus not only certain dubios "whites" from the "white" periphery (cp. self-proclaimed "Sicilians", "Portugese", "Greeks", "Cubans" &c.) but also many non-Europeans (Turks, Tartars, Kazachs, Lebanese, Arabs, Jews, Indians, &c.) and in general everyone that wants to be "white" (certain "Latinos", "Hispanics", "Mexicans", "Puerto Ricans", "Brazilians" and the like).

    Thus, the classicly European ("Nordish") core might well be down to ~50% in the meantime.

    If one then considers the age structure, the picture becomes bleak. The majority of the Europeans might already be older than 35 (if not older than 40), while the majority of the non-Europeans will probably be younger than 30 (if not younger than 25). Hence, if one compares the "younger than 20" groups, i. e. the future generations, with each other, Europeans might already be down to 20-30%.

    And if one then considers and compares the different, potential numbers of their future offspring, taking miscegenation into consideration, ... I better stop here, as the result is very depressing at best. The point I wanted to make is that these figures, as bad as they already seem, are still a euphemism. Our situation is much more desperate than they indicate and many think.

    America has probably already crossed the "point of no return", and it would surprise me if Europe had still more than two or three decades left to turn the wheel around. If it does not succeed (and this appears likely), we will have to adapt and apply totally different survival strategies.


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    Quote Originally Posted by Suomut2_13

    I don't understand what you mean by these sentences, Thorburnulf.

    What I'd like to know about these figures are thus (maybe you can comment on these):

    1.) What % of these %s are 'European' 'racials.'
    2.) What % of these %s are non-German 'deutschers' by speech/heritage (Austrians, Swiss, Alsacians, etc.).
    3.) What % of these %s are non-'deutsch' 'Germanic' 'sub-racials/meta-ethnics.'

    These are some important questions to be asked, methinks.

    Nevertheless, I find these figures SHOCKING! Surely they are a barometer for the true non-'European' racials in each instance (you've borne this out a little by your inclusion of theTurkish figures).



    Yeah, these are the OFFICIAL figures, God only knows the TRUE figures, sadly.
    Ausländer as term of statistics means simply "alien", "non-German", regarding someone's citizenship.

    Sadly, there are no official race statistics, only such nationality figures.

    Here are some more detailled official numbers (the percentages together make 99,9 % - that's because I worked them out by myself with a little calculator from the total numbers, and of course I only took the first number after the decimal point):

    12-31-1999: 7,343,591

    From EU countries: 1,858,672 (25.3 %)

    From countries of former Yugoslavia: 1,185,916 (16.1 %)

    From Russia, Ukraine, Belo-Russia and the Baltic countries: 201,460 (2.7 %)

    From other European countries: 630,699 (8.6 %)

    From Turkey: 2,053,564 (28.0 %)

    From Asia: 823,092 (11.2 %)

    From Africa: 300,611 (4.1 %)

    From America: 205,373 (2.8 %)

    From Australia and Oceania: 10,033 (0.1 %)

    People with unclear or without citizenship: 74,171 (1.0)


    You can take away the percentage of racially Europeans and the number will be less. But if you then add the number of people with German citizenship who are racially non-Europeans, I think the total number of all non-Europeans would be even higher then the official number of Ausländer is. Hard to say, but there are quite many, especially young, Turks, Arabs, Mulattos, Negroes, blends etc. who grew up here, speak perfectly German and are "Germans" for every statistic.

    The percentage of Austrians among the Ausländer is 2.5 %, that of Swiss 0.5 %. Alsacians, Liechtensteiners and other ethnic German "non-Germans" living in Germany can be neglected. I forgot now to listen up the percentage of people of Germanic Meta-ethnicy, but I'll look for the numbers.

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    But there is hope. The birth rate of Turks (the biggest group of foreigners here) has been constantly falling for the last three decades. They are quickly closing the gap to the German birth rate. Illegals we could get rid off in no time in the authorities focussed on that problem. They have no legal protection so they are not really a threat. Citizenship is only a factor if one implies that we are going to honor the citizenship policies of the current government. Of course nothing could legally keep us from declaring it void and issuing new passports.
    And in those statistics you have a lot of differences as far as the percentage of EU citizens are concerned. Some of the cited cities have a significant number of Italians, Portuguese and Spaniards. That depends on their role during the industrial boom in the 60s.

    And I am quite happy to find out that my city is not listed among the top 30 - although it has around 600,000 inhabitants (number is rapidly falling due to recession).

    By the way, in the whole of central Germany (the former GDR) the percentage of foreigners is still under 2%. Dozens of counties have exactly zero registered foreigners. The only problem is that they have about 30% registered unemployment and about 75-80% real unemployment. Kind of the German equivalent of the U.S.'s West Virginia.
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    [one "official" source]



    Immigration

    Immigration has been a primary force shaping demographic developments in the two Germanys in the postwar period (see Historical Background, this ch.). After the erection of the Berlin Wall in 1961, the immigration flow, first into West Germany and later into united Germany, consisted mainly of workers from southern Europe. In addition, the immigrants included several other groups: a small but steady stream of East German immigrants (Übersiedler ) during the 1980s that exploded in size in 1990 (389,000) but by 1993 had fallen by more than half (172,000) and was somewhat offset by movement from west to east (119,000); several million ethnic Germans (Aussiedler ) from East European countries, especially the former Soviet Union; and several million persons seeking asylum from political oppression, most of whom were from East European countries.

    Foreign Residents

    As of early 1994, approximately 6.8 million registered foreigners resided in Germany. Turks made up the largest group (1.9 million), followed by immigrants from the former Yugoslavia (930,000), Italians (565,000), Greeks (350,000), Poles (260,000), and Austrians (185,000). About 25 percent of these foreign residents, most of whom were born in Germany, are under the age of eighteen. Because of the higher birth rate of foreigners, one of every ten births in Germany is to a foreigner. However, because recruiting of Gastarbeiter stopped in 1973 at the onset of a worldwide recession, most foreign workers are middle-aged and have lived in Germany for several decades.

    The foreign population is not distributed evenly. More than two-thirds live in the Länder of North Rhine-Westphalia, Baden-Württemberg, and Bavaria, where in 1990 they made up 9, 10, and 7 percent of the population, respectively. Foreigners live mainly in urban areas; in 1989 approximately 23 percent of foreign residents lived in Hamburg and Berlin. Foreigners often live in particular areas of large cities. (For example, Kreuzberg in Berlin and Kalk in Cologne both have large Turkish communities.) There are few foreigners in the new Länder . Of the roughly 190,000 foreigners living in the former GDR in 1989 because of work contracts, many have since been repatriated to Vietnam, Mozambique, Cuba, and other developing countries that were friendly to the GDR regime.

    Foreigners began arriving in West Germany in large numbers in the 1960s after the construction of the Berlin Wall ended migration from East Germany. Recruited mainly from a number of countries in southern Europe, Gastarbeiter were not expected to stay beyond the terms of their work permits. However, many opted to remain in West Germany and subsequently brought their families there to live. As a result, and owing to higher birth rates, the foreign population in Germany has increased substantially (see table 9, Appendix). By offering financial incentives, West German authorities hoped to encourage some Gastarbeiter to return to their native countries, but relatively few took advantage of these provisions. A tightening of entry restrictions also caused many to remain in Germany rather than risk not being readmitted after spending time in their home country.

    Although no longer recruited abroad, Germany's foreign residents remain vital to the economy, parts of which would shut down if they were to depart. They also contribute to the country's welfare and social insurance programs by paying twice as much in taxes and insurance premiums as they receive in benefits. In the long term, their presence may be seen as vital because they have a positive birth rate. The birth rate among native Germans is so low that some studies have estimated that Germany will require approximately 200,000 immigrants a year to maintain its population into the next century and support its array of social welfare benefits.

    Most Germans do not see their country as a land of immigration like the United States or Canada, and no demographic or social issue has generated greater controversy than the presence of foreigners in the Federal Republic. In an opinion poll taken in 1982, two-thirds of West Germans said that there were too many foreigners in Germany, and one-half thought that foreigners should be sent back to their countries of origin. In 1992 another poll found that the "foreigner problem" ranked as the most serious issue for western Germans and was third in importance for eastern Germans.

    According to the foreigners law that went into effect in mid-1993, foreigners living in Germany for fifteen years may become German citizens if they have no criminal record and renounce their original citizenship. Young foreigners who have resided eight years in Germany may become citizens if they have attended German schools for six years and apply for citizenship between the ages of sixteen and twenty-three. Usually, however, German citizenship depends not on where one is born (ius solis ) but on the nationality of the father or, since 1974, on the mother (ius sanguinis ). Thus, to many, German citizenship depends on being born German and cannot rightfully be acquired through a legal process. This notion makes it practically impossible for naturalized citizens or their children to be considered German. Some reformers advocate eliminating the concept of German blood in the 1913 law regulating citizenship, but the issue is an emotional one, and such a change has little popular support.

    Ethnic Germans

    Ethnic Germans have immigrated to Germany since the end of World War II. At first, these immigrants were Germans who had resided in areas that had formerly been German territory. Later, the offspring of German settlers who in previous centuries had settled in areas of Eastern Europe and Russia came to be regarded as ethnic Germans and as such had the right to German citizenship according to Article 116 of the Basic Law. Because they became citizens immediately upon arrival in Germany, ethnic Germans received much financial and social assistance to ease their integration into society. Housing, vocational training, and many other types of assistance, even language training--because many did not know the language of their forebears--were liberally provided.

    With the gradual opening of the Soviet empire in the 1980s, the numbers of ethnic Germans coming to West Germany swelled. In the mid-1980s, about 40,000 came each year. In 1987 the number doubled and in 1988 doubled again. In 1990 nearly 400,000 ethnic Germans came to the Federal Republic. In the 1991-93 period, about 400,000 ethnic Germans settled in Germany. Since January 1993, immigration of ethnic Germans has been limited to 220,000 per year.

    Because this influx could no longer be managed, especially because of the vast expense of unification, restrictions on the right of ethnic Germans to return to Germany became effective in January 1991. Under the new restrictions, once in Germany ethnic Germans are assigned to certain areas. If they leave these areas, they lose many of their benefits and are treated as if they were foreigners. The government has also established programs to encourage the estimated several million ethnic Germans who still live in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe to remain there. Although ethnic Germans are entitled to German citizenship by virtue of their bloodlines, to many Germans they do not seem German, and their social integration has frequently been difficult.

    Asylum-Seekers

    To atone for the crimes of the Third Reich, Article 16/2 of West Germany's Basic Law offers liberal asylum rights to those suffering political persecution. Until the 1980s, relatively few refugees took advantage of this provision. But in the second half of the decade, a new class of "jet-age refugees" began to make its way to Europe and especially to West Germany, which accepted more than any other West European country. In the mid-1980s, many refugees came from Iran and Lebanon. By 1991 most refugees originated in regions of war-torn former Yugoslavia, Romania, or Turkey. From 1986 to 1989, about 380,000 refugees sought asylum inWest Germany. By comparison, in the 1990-92 period, nearly 900,000 people sought refuge in a united Germany.

    Although only about 5 percent of requests for asylum are approved, slow processing and appeals mean that many refugees remain in Germany for years. Because financial aid is also provided for the refugees' living expenses, their presence has become a burden on federal and local government. The resulting social tensions made imperative an amendment to the constitutional provision regarding asylum. After heated debate, in 1993 the Bundestag passed legislation that amended the Basic Law and tightened restrictions on granting asylum. One important change is that asylum-seekers are no longer to be admitted into Germany if they have applied from a third country. In addition, more funds are to be allotted to processing applications, so that asylum-seekers remain in Germany for shorter periods.


    http://countrystudies.us/germany/89.htm
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    Fertility

    Despite the Berlin Wall and the fortified boundary that divided them, the two Germanys had many similar demographic developments in the postwar period. In the late 1950s and especially in the 1960s, both Germanys experienced a "baby boom," stimulated by increased economic prosperity and a heightened sense of security. During the second half of the 1960s, East Germany's population grew slightly, an unusual occurrence. In West Germany, the absolute peak in births, 1.3 million, was reached in 1965. In that year, births outnumbered deaths by 417,504.

    After the baby boom, both countries experienced periods of zero population growth when the annual number of births failed to compensate for the annual number of deaths. As of 1993, with the exclusion of foreigners' births, deaths have outnumbered births every year since 1976 in the old Länder . Since 1986 the same has been true for the new Länder . When the West German total fertility rate reached its historic peacetime low of fewer than 1.3 children per woman of child-bearing age in 1985, popular newsmagazines caused a sensation with cover stories that warned of the eventual disappearance of the Germans. In the former GDR, a pronatalist policy temporarily had modest success in boosting the birth rate in the mid-1970s, but the population declined there for two reasons: emigration and low fertility. This was especially noticeable after the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 when emigration soared. Low fertility also continued to be a problem. Between 1989 and 1991, eastern Germany's total fertility rate fell by 38 percent. In 1991 the rate was 0.98, well below West Germany's lowest level.

    Although its population was just one-fifth that of West Germany, until 1986 East Germany officially topped in absolute terms West Germany in both the number of births outside marriage and the number of abortions. This situation was accounted for in part by a chronic lack of birth control choices in the former Soviet bloc and the practice of using abortion as a regular means of curbing unwanted pregnancies. In 1988 one-third of all births in the GDR were to unwed mothers, whereas in the FRG only one-tenth were. The trend of out-of-wedlock births in the east continued to increase after unification. By 1992 nearly 42 percent of the babies born in the new Länder were to single mothers, compared with 12 percent in the old Länder .

    Until mid-1993, when a more restrictive West German law came into effect, the eastern section of Germany recognized the right of abortion on demand. The highest rate was reached in 1972, when one-third of pregnancies were aborted. By 1989 the rate had declined, but the probability of an abortion was still one in every four pregnancies. In the old Länder , legal abortions were restricted to special circumstances based on such factors as the physical or mental health of the mother or fetus. In 1989 West Germany officially registered 75,297 abortions, compared with about 74,000 for East Germany. Social, cultural, and economic factors accounted for the differences in frequency of abortion and extramarital birth rates.

    Following unification, a trend termed demographic paralysis was observed in the former East Germany when the number of births fell by 50 percent between 1990 and 1993. From 1988 to mid-1993, the crude birth rate fell from 12.9 per 1,000 to 5.3 per 1,000, an abrupt and precipitous decline unmatched in an industrial society in peacetime. Especially hard hit by skyrocketing unemployment and adrift in an alien market economy, record numbers of women in the new Länder stopped having children. Some reports indicated that by the summer of 1993 as many as two-thirds of working women in the east had lost their jobs since unification. In that same year, the marriage rate fell by half.


    Marriage and Family

    Like most other advanced countries in the postwar era, Germany recorded fewer marriages, more divorces, and smaller families. In 1960 there were 690,000 marriages, compared with 516,000 in 1990. The total for 1993 amounted to only 442,000, but most of this decline was caused by a drop of than more 50 percent in the number of marriages in the new Länder between 1990 and 1993. Until 1990 the decline in marriages in East Germany had been appreciably greater than in West Germany (from 215,000 in 1950 to 137,000 in 1989, compared with 536,000 and 399,000 in the same years in West Germany), but not nearly as steep in the 1990-93 period. Just as the dramatic social changes brought to the new Länder by unification affected birth rates there, so they also affected marriages rates.

    Another difference in marriage practices between the two Germanys had been that easterners marrying for the first time did so at an earlier age than westerners. Easterners did so, it is believed, because of their desire to have children and hence qualify for low-cost child care and housing benefits. Following unification this difference remained. In 1992 the average age at first marriage was 29.0 for men and 26.5 for women in the old Länder , compared with 27.1 for men and 25.1 for women in the new Länder . Since the mid-1970s, the average age at which people marry has slowly risen for both genders in both parts of Germany.

    As the number of marriages declined, the frequency of divorce increased in both states. Between 1960 and 1990, the number of divorces in West Germany more than doubled, increasing from 49,000 to 123,000 and yielding a divorce rate of about 30 percent. Divorce was always more common in East Germany than it was in West Germany. The number of divorces roughly doubled between 1960 and 1988, going from 25,000 to 49,000. In 1986 there was a record divorce rate of 46 percent. Although home to only 20 percent of the total population, the new Länder accounted for 29 percent of all divorces in 1990. After unification, however, the incidence of divorce decreased greatly in the east, perhaps in response to the overall uncertainty and insecurity of future prospects for single mothers in unified Germany. In 1992 the number of divorces in the new Länder amounted to only 10,000. In 1993, however, this number rose to 18,000, an increase of 78 percent.

    Despite the increasing likelihood of divorce, in 1990 about 89 percent of all families consisted of married couples, and about 70 percent of those of marriage age were married. In both east and west, however, the failure of these families to produce the necessary number of children for population replacement was striking. Of the 15 million married couples in the former West Germany, about 57 percent had children. Forty-seven percent of couples with children had one child, 38 percent had two children, and 13 percent had three or more children. In 1950 the average number of persons in German households was 3.0. By 1990 this figure had declined to 2.3. In 1991 four-person households accounted for 13 percent of the total number of households, three-person households for 16 percent, two-person households for 31 percent, and single-person households for 35 percent. In the early 1990s, only foreign families were regularly having two or more children, with the Turkish subgroup being the largest in terms of family size.

    Like West Germany, East Germany had provided legislative protection for the family and married couples, together with generous maternity leave and pay provisions. In the east, however, it was assumed that the mother would rejoin the workforce soon after maternity leave, and an elaborate child-care system was put in place. Virtually all women could obtain excellent care for their children if they wished. In the west, many mothers gave up their careers or interrupted them for long periods following the birth of a child because child care was generally unavailable. As a result, in 1990 women of child-bearing age in the east had more children (1.67) than women in the west (1.42). Supported by the state, eastern women had long been accustomed to balancing child-rearing and a profession. After unification, however, the new Länder experienced a precipitous decline in births because of high unemployment, especially among women (see Fertility, this ch.).

    By the mid-1990s, the newest trend in household formation was what became known as nonmarital living partnerships. Between 1972 and 1990, the number of such households increased sevenfold, to 963,000, or 2.7 percent of all households. Almost 90 percent of these were childless households. Most young people were opting to live together before deciding to marry. This factor pushed the average age at marriage higher.

    Another sign of the movement away from the traditional concept of family and of the manifestation of sexual freedom was the rising number of out-of-wedlock births. In the late 1980s, about one in ten West German and three in ten East German births were to unmarried women.

    In the postwar period, it became clear that marriage had lost its former position as the only legitimate locus for sexual activity. In the early 1990s, polls indicated that 60 percent of German sixteen-year-olds were sexually active, compared with 15 percent in the 1950s.

    In the past, when regional differences were acute, convention held that marriages between a Prussian and a Bavarian, between a Catholic and a Protestant, and definitely between a Christian and a Jew were "mixed" marriages. In modern Germany, only unions between Germans and foreigners are considered mixed. Of 516,000 marriages in 1990, about 6 percent were between Germans and foreigners. Most often German women married Americans, Italians, Turks, and Yugoslavs, and German men married Yugoslavs, Poles, Filipinos, and Austrians. In 1974 legislation was passed conferring automatic citizenship on children born of these unions.


    Roman Catholicism

    With about 28.2 million members, the Roman Catholic Church in unified Germany is organized into five archdioceses, eighteen dioceses, three diocesan offices, and one apostolic administration. Two of the archdioceses are based in Bavaria (Munich/Freising and Bamberg) and two in North Rhine-Westphalia (Cologne and Paderborn). More than 57 percent of all German Roman Catholics live in these two Länder . Another 28 percent live in the three Länder of Baden-Württemberg, Hesse, and Rhineland-Palatinate. Only about 900 of the church's 13,000 parishes and other pastoral centers are located in the new Länder . The number of Roman Catholics in East Germany declined from 2 million shortly after the war to 800,000 by 1992. Serving these Roman Catholics are two dioceses, one in Brandenburg (Berlin) and the other in Saxony (Dresden). Between 1970 and 1989, the number of Roman Catholics attending Sunday mass in West Germany declined from 37 percent to 23 percent. Between 1970 and 1990, the number of annual baptisms fell from about 370,000 to around 300,000. Approximately 470,000 Roman Catholics officially left the church between 1985 and 1990. In the same period, about 25,000 returned to the church, and another 25,000 converted to other religions.

    Despite the diminishing numbers of Roman Catholics, the church tax enables the Roman Catholic Church to remain strong financially. In 1992 the church's share of tax revenues amounted to approximately DM8.5 billion. An additional DM8 billion was received in the form of government subsidies, service payments, property, and contributions. Much of this support is returned to society through an extensive network of church-operated kindergartens, senior citizen centers, and hospitals. The main Roman Catholic charitable organization is the Deutscher Caritasverband, which had about 400,000 employees in 1992.

    As the FRG has become an increasingly secular society, the centuries-old traditional authority of the Roman Catholic Church in matters of morality has declined, especially among German youth. Many German Roman Catholics routinely ignore the church and in particular the pope's positions on such key issues as birth control, premarital sex, divorce, and abortion. For years the number of ordinations in Germany has declined. To address this issue, most German Catholics favor permitting priests to marry, and many support the ordination of women.

    Periodically, independent reformist clergymen challenge the church hierarchy and doctrine. Often they do so with the support of many German Catholics. In the 1970s, Hans Küng, a theologian at Tübingen University, used his position and charisma to criticize the idea of papal infallibility and other dogmas. In the early 1990s, major differences of opinion between the laity and church authorities were revealed by a clash between a reform-minded priest and the archbishop in Paderborn, the most conservative German diocese. For beliefs deemed contrary to Vatican policies and dogma, Father Eugen Drewermann was defrocked by Archbishop Johannes Degenhardt. In the tradition of Luther, Drewermann continued to express his unorthodox views outside the church--at universities and in the media, including talk shows. A 1992 survey indicated that among all Germans, Drewermann was more popular than Pope John Paul II.
    Last edited by Phlegethon; Friday, September 12th, 2003 at 02:08 PM.
    And all my youth passed by sad-hearted,
    the joy of Spring was never mine;
    Autumn blows through me dread of parting,
    and my heart dreams and longs to die.

    - Nikolaus Lenau (1802-1850)

    Real misanthropes are not found in solitude, but in the world; since it is experience of life, and not philosophy, which produces real hatred of mankind.

    - Giacomo Leopardi (1798-1837)

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