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Thread: Social-Nationalism & the Strasser Brothers

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    Senior Member NatRev's Avatar
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    Post Social-Nationalism & the Strasser Brothers

    The Strasser brothers seem to be very interesting but I don't seem to have much luck in finding anything half decent about them. I've found some stuff on a Schools History site which was quite informative but didn't have much about their beliefs.

    From what I've read of Yockey, I think he meant Slavs under the then yoke of Communism and not really as a folk. I think he was thinking of the Slavs as the country bumpkins of Europe rather than a separate race, but then again I've never read his work only other peoples interpretations of it.

    Personally I have never had anything against Slavs and I must admit to admiring Communist propaganda posters.

    Does anyone know where I can get a decent copy of Imperium from? I've seen one advertised on some website but it was about $40 or so which is pretty pricey, dunno what the exchange rates are for the UK.
    Last edited by Moody; Thursday, April 8th, 2004 at 05:50 PM.
    "Only through a re-integration of Humanity into the whole of Nature can our People be made stronger."

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    Senior Member Jack's Avatar
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    Post

    The Strasser brothers seem to be very interesting but I don't seem to have much luck in finding anything half decent about them. I've found some stuff on a Schools History site which was quite informative but didn't have much about their beliefs.
    On the Strasser brothers: http://www.aryanunity.com/strassers.html
    http://www.libreopinion.com/libertad...8102201_us.htm
    http://english.pravda.ru/usa/2001/11/03/20022.html

    Does anyone know where I can get a decent copy of Imperium from? I've seen one advertised on some website but it was about $40 or so which is pretty pricey, dunno what the exchange rates are for the UK.


    http://members.odinsrage.com/superman/Imperium.pdf

    Its a PDF file. Its got Imperium and a bunch of his other stuff. I'd recommend you right click on that link and save it to your hard drive.
    All men dream, but not equally. Those who dream at night, in the dusky recesses of their minds, wake in the day to find that it was vanity. But the dreamers of the day are dangerous men, for they may act their dreams, with open eyes, to make it possible.

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    Senior Member NatRev's Avatar
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    Post Thanks

    Just want to say thank you for all your help.

    Cheers, mate!

    J
    "Only through a re-integration of Humanity into the whole of Nature can our People be made stronger."

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    Senior Member Ederico's Avatar
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    I would like to know more on the Strasser brothers who to my knowledge were Left-Wing National Socialists and really Socialist, that quote from Gregor Strasser used by Jotunheim in his Sig is an indication to this.

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    Senior Member NatRev's Avatar
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    I've just bought 'Germany Tomorrow', I'll let you know more when I've read it.
    "Only through a re-integration of Humanity into the whole of Nature can our People be made stronger."

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    Senior Member Moody's Avatar
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    Post Strasserites

    As we know, Gregor Strasser was executed as a traitor in the Blood Purge; however his brother Otto resurfaced in the post-war period.
    I have an interesting dialogue between Otto Strasser and Oswald Mosley, where they discuss the future of Europe.

    The debate is similar to that which rages here at times, and I'll quote some brief excerpts.
    Strasser, in his objection to a united Europe says;

    "Europe is full of the inner vitality which has its source in her national and cultural differences ...
    It is that blessed individuality of each nation of our Continent - it is those rich shades and degrees of difference between us; whether they be cultural, economic, military or political - which go to make up the foundation of Europe's greatness - which gives shape and colour to the culture, to the soul of Europe!".

    Mosley replies;

    "I want a Europe integrated to the degree of Great Britain after the union of England, Wales and Scotland, or of Germany after the work of Bismarck ...
    When 270,000,000 Europeans have come together with the strength of a united nation we shall be much too powerful to be governed from Wall Street ...
    Why should we be dependent upon American finance when we have the productive power of all Europe?"
    [Mosley, 'Policy and Debate', 1953]

    While one can agree with Strasser's 'sentiments', one wonders whether he ever adjusted to the realities necessary for political struggle. In Hitler and Mosley, not the Strasserites, we find that reality-principle which is pregnant of the future.
    Why are there beings at all, & why not rather nothing?
    [Leibniz/Heidegger]

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    Senior Member NatRev's Avatar
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    WOW!

    I've always thought those two were cut from the same branch, didn't know they knew each other though.

    Is the dialogue a 'soft' or 'hard' copy?

    I've really got to find some time to read Germany Tomorrow as I feel it is a book that requires some carelful reading and analysis.

    I've also got Policy and Debate but likewise, I need to spend some time reading this one too.

    I believe that both of them are right, I believe that a total synthesis of all European peoples would be wrong, like if my heart combined with my lungs, they couldn't work in their own distinctive ways and I'd soon die, however, like my heart, lungs, kidneys and what have you, they all work in unison for a common cause, the survival of me. Mmmmm, does this analogy make any sense?
    "Only through a re-integration of Humanity into the whole of Nature can our People be made stronger."

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    Question Re: Otto Strasser

    Where can i find books by Otto Strasser and/or his brother Gregor?

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    Post Re: Otto Strasser

    Hitler offered Otto Strasser to become the Press Chief for the German Reich. Hitler admired his intelligence but they had very different ideas about socialism and capitalism.


    This is from Otto's book "Hitler and I":

    'I could only accept, Herr Hitler, if we could find a basis of
    agreement for our divergent political views. If the understanding
    were only superficial, later on you would feel that I had deceived
    you, and I should always have the feeling that you had deceived me. If
    you like, I am willing to spend a month at Munich to discuss socialism
    and foreign policy with you and Rosenberg, whose rivalry is very
    obvious to me.'

    'No,' said Hitler curtly, 'it is too late. I must have a decision at
    once. If you don't accept, I shall begin to act on Monday. These are
    the measures I have decided on. The Kampfverlag will be declared an
    enterprise harmful to the National-Socialist Party; I shall forbid any
    Party member to have anything whatever to do with your papers, and I
    shall expel you from the Party, and your supporters with you.'

    I made a superhuman effort to control myself. I was thinking, as a
    matter of fact, of Gregor, whom a final rupture with Adolf would
    separate from me.

    'All that is very simple for you, Herr Hitler, but it only serves to
    emphasize the profound difference in our revolutionary and socialist
    ideas. The reasons you give for destroying the Kampfverlag I take to
    be only pretexts. The real reason is that you want to strangle the
    social revolution for the sake of legality and your new collaboration
    with the bourgeois parties of the Right.'

    This time Hitler grew violent.

    'I am a socialist, and a very different kind of socialist from your
    rich friend Reventlow. I was once an ordinary workingman. I would not
    allow my chauffeur to eat worse than I eat myself. But your kind of
    socialism is nothing but Marxism. The mass of the working classes want
    nothing but bread and games. They will never understand the meaning of
    an ideal, and we cannot hope to win them over to one. What we have to
    do is to select from a new master-class men who will not allow
    themselves to be guided, like you, by the morality of pity. Those who
    rule must know that they have the right to rule because they belong to
    a superior race. They must maintain that right and ruthlessly
    consolidate it.'

    I was dumbfounded at these words, and told Hitler so openly.

    'Your racial ideas,' I added, 'which you owe to Herr Rosenberg, are
    not only a flagrant contradiction of the great mission of
    National-Socialism, which should be the creation of a German nation;
    they are calculated to bring about the disintegration of the German
    people.'

    Hitler continued as though he were addressing a public meeting.

    'What you preach is liberalism, nothing but liberalism. There is only
    one possible kind of revolution, and it is not economic, or political,
    or social, but racial, and it will always be the same; the struggle of
    inferior classes and inferior races against the superior races who are
    in the saddle. On the day the superior race forgets this law, it is
    lost. All revolutions - and I have studied them carefully - have been
    racial. When you read Rosenberg's new book,(1) you will understand
    these things, for it is the most powerful book of its kind, even
    greater than Houston Chamberlain's Foundations of the Nineteenth
    Century. Your ideas of foreign policy are false because you have no
    racial knowledge. Didn't you declare openly for the Indian
    independence movement when it was obviously a rebellion of the
    inferior Hindu race against the valorous Anglo-Nordic? The Nordic
    race has the right to dominate the world, and that right will be the
    guiding principle of our foreign policy. That is why any alliance
    with Russia, a Slav-Tartar body surmounted by a Jewish head, is out of
    the question. I knew those Slavs in my own country! When a German
    head dominated them, Germany could make common cause with them, as it
    did in Bismarck's time. Today it would be a crime.'

    (1) The Myth of the Twentieth Century.

    'But, Herr Hitler, such ideas can never be the basis of a foreign
    policy. For me the only problem that counts is whether the political
    constellation is favourable or unfavourable to Germany. We cannot let
    ourselves be guided by considerations of sympathy or antipathy. One of
    the principal aims of German foreign policy will have to be, as I have
    told you before, the abolition of the Treaty of Versailles. Stalin,
    Mussolini, MacDonald, Poincaré, what does it matter? A good German
    politician must put the good of Germany first.'

    'Certainly,' Hitler agreed, 'the good of Germany must come first.
    That is why an understanding with England is indispensable. We must
    establish Germano-Nordic domination over Europe and then, with the
    co-operation of America, over the world... The land for us, the seas
    for England...'

    [...]

    The same evening I described this conversation to my friends, Richard
    Schapke, Günther Kübler, Herbert Blank, and Paul Brinkmann, and they asked
    me to transcribe it for their use.

    [...]

    I sat up all night, making notes and preparing the chief questions
    which I proposed putting to Hitler next day.

    Before leaving the house next morning, I had a short talk with Gregor
    which served to establish his attitude.

    Adolf Hitler was just finishing breakfast when I entered the
    dining-room of the hotel. He rose and asked me to follow him.

    In the reading-room four men awaited us: Rudolf Hess, Amann, director
    of the Völkischer Beobachter, our colleague Hans Hinkel, and my
    brother Gregor.

    'Herr Hitler, I expected to continue our conversation tête-à-tête,' I
    objected when I saw them. It seemed to me that if I were alone with my
    adversary I could more easily penetrate to his real intentions.

    'These gentlemen,' he replied, 'will be very interested to hear your
    arguments, and mine.'

    After all, it was not a bad idea to speak in front of witnesses. But
    the precariousness of my position was clear to me; these men were won
    to Hitler in advance.

    Adolf invited me to speak.

    'These are the questions that I propose to put to you, Herr
    Hitler. Are you convinced, as I am, that our revolution must be a
    total one in the political, economic, and social spheres? Do you
    envisage a revolution which opposes Marxism as energetically as
    capitalism? Do you consequently admit that our propaganda should
    attack both equally in order to obtain German socialism?'

    Then I laid before him the points of the Strasser programme, as it had
    been drawn up at Hanover, and our ideas on the nationalization of
    industry.

    'It's Marxism!' cried Hitler. 'In fact, it's Bolshevism! Democracy has
    laid the world in ruins, and nevertheless you want to extend it to the
    economic sphere. It would be the end of German economy. You would wipe
    out all human progress, which has only been achieved by the individual
    efforts of great scholars and great inventors.'

    'I don't believe in the progress of humanity, Herr Hitler. Men have
    not changed in the last thousand years. Their physique may have
    altered, and their conditions of life, but nothing more. Do you think
    that Goethe would have been happier if he had been able to ride in a
    motor car or Napoleon if he had been able to broadcast? The stages of
    human evolution resemble those in the life of a man. A man of thirty
    thinks he has progressed since he was twenty; a man of forty may still
    nourish a similar illusion. But a man of fifty rarely talks of
    progress, and at sixty he has completely given it up.'

    'Theory, pure theory,' Hitler replied. 'Humanity does progress, and
    progress is the result of the actions of great men.'

    'But the role of these great men, these leaders, Herr Hitler, is not
    what you think. Men do not create or invent the great epochs of
    history; on the contrary, they are the emissaries, the instruments of
    destiny.'

    Adolf Hitler stiffened.

    'Do you deny that I am the creator of NationalSocialism?'

    'I have no choice but to do so. National-Socialism is an idea born of
    the times in which we live. It is in the hearts of millions of men,
    and it is incarnated in you. The simultaneity with which it arose in
    so many minds proves its historical necessity, and proves, too, that
    the age of capitalism is over.'

    At this Hitler launched into a long tirade in which he tried to prove
    to me that capitalism did not exist, that the idea of Autarkie was
    nothing but madness, that the European Nordic race must organize world
    commerce on a barter basis, and finally that nationalization, or
    socialization, as I understood it, was nothing but dilettantism, not
    to say Bolshevism.

    Let us note that the socialization or nationalization of property was
    the thirteenth point of Hitler's official programme.

    'Let us assume, Herr Hitler, that you came into power tomorrow. What
    would you do about Krupp's? Would you leave it alone or not?'

    'Of course I should leave it alone,' cried Hitler. 'Do you think me
    crazy enough to want to ruin Germany's great industry?'

    'If you wish to preserve the capitalist régime, Herr Hitler, you have
    no right to talk of socialism. For our supporters are socialists, and
    your programme demands the socialization of private enterprise.'

    'That word "socialism" is the trouble,' said Hitler. He shrugged his
    shoulders, appeared to reflect for a moment, and then went on:

    'I have never said that all enterprises should be socialized. On the
    contrary, I have maintained that we might socialize enterprises
    prejudicial to the interests of the nation. Unless they were so
    guilty, I should consider it a crime to destroy essential elements in
    our economic life. Take Italian Fascism. Our NationalSocialist State,
    like the Fascist State, will safeguard both employers' and workers'
    interests while reserving the right of arbitration in case of
    dispute.'

    'But under Fascism the problem of labour and capital remains
    unsolved. It has not even been tackled. It has merely been temporarily
    stifled. Capitalism has remained intact, just as you yourself propose
    to leave it intact.'

    'Herr Strasser,' said Hitler, exasperated by my answers, 'there is
    only one economic system, and that is responsibility and authority on
    the part of directors and executives. I ask Herr Amann to be
    responsible to me for the work of his subordinates and to exercise his
    authority over them. There Amann asks his office manager to be
    responsible for his typists and to exercise his authority over them;
    and so on to the lowest rung of the ladder. That is how it has been
    for thousands of years, and that is how it will always be.'

    'Yes, Herr Hitler, the administrative structure will be the same
    whether the State is capitalist or socialist. But the spirit of labour
    depends on the regime under which it lives. If it was possible a few
    years ago for a handful of men not appreciably different from the
    average to throw a quarter of a million Ruhr workers on the streets,
    if this act was legal and in conformity with the morality of our
    economic system, then the system is criminal, not the men.'

    'But that,' Hitler replied, looking at his watch and showing signs of
    acute impatience, 'that is no reason for granting the workers a share
    in the profits of the enterprises that employ them, and more
    particularly for giving them the right to be consulted. A strong
    State will see that production is carried on in the national
    interests, and, if these interests are contravened, can proceed to
    expropriate the enterprise concerned and take over its
    administration.'

    'As I see it, that would change nothing, Herr Hitler. Since you are
    prepared, if need be, to expropriate private wealth, why make use of
    local authorities and leave the responsibility to their judgment? Why
    risk arbitrary action on the part of men who may be misinformed? Why
    trust dubious informers rather than set up the right of intervention
    as an integral part of our economic life?'

    'That,' said Hitler with a hypocritical sigh, 'is where we differ.
    Profit-sharing and the workers' right to be consulted are Marxist
    principles. I consider that the right to exercise influence on
    private enterprise should be conceded only to the State, directed by
    the superior class.'

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    Senior Member folkandfaith's Avatar
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    Post Re: Otto Strasser

    You can purchase titles on the Strasser Brothers from www.folkandfaith.com F&F, in the US, or from www.national-anarchist.org Terra Firma in UK and abroad.

    Ask about RISING PRESS titles regarding the Strassers and the Black Front.

    There are at least 3 or 4 that I can think of.
    http://www.folkandfaith.com/images/fnfbanner1.jpg


    "Neither left nor right, but forward."
    Join the Resistance - Smash The System!

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