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Thread: EU Parliament Elections 2019

  1. #11
    Sound methods Chlodovech's Avatar
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    Latest Flemish poll:

    1) N-VA (identitarians, regionalists, neoliberal): 28.1
    2) CD&V (Christian democrats): 17.1
    3) Vlaams Belang (Flemish nationalists): 14.8
    4) Groen (greens): 12.1
    5) Open VLD (liberals): 11.2
    6) SP.A (social democrats): 11.0
    7) PVDA (communists): 4.7

    In Flanders we vote for both the national and regional parliaments and the E.U. elections at the same time. I expect the V-parties (pro-Flemish parties, N-VA and Vlaams Belang, now scoring 42.9%) to perform even better in the E.U. elections.
    “Tradition anchors our experience of time in memory and projects it into the future through hope.” – Rein Staal

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  3. #12
    Anachronism "Friend of Germanics"
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    Huginn ok Muninn's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by SaxonPagan View Post




    Joel Chilaka, MEDICAL STUDENT?

    Nice to know we have African Negroes to speak "for us," especially ones stealing our places in the upper middle class so they can have lots of children (mixed race or not) with a bright future due to their high incomes and "affirmative action." But hey, let's focus on the ISSUES, right? STAY in the anti-white communist EU or LEAVE and be an independent anti-white communist Orwellian police state. Isn't it wonderful to have so much CHOICE? Thank the gods for DEMOCRACY.
    Most people think as they are trained to think, and most people make a majority.

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  5. #13
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    ‘We want nothing to do with you’: Salvini says Merkel and Macron ‘ruined’ Europe



    Italian Deputy Prime Minister and anti-immigration leader Matteo Salvini has fired back after German Chancellor Angela Merkel claimed she wouldn’t let his party work with her in the European Parliament.



    The two clashed just a week before the European elections.

    “We don’t want to stand with people who have ruined Europe for all these years,” Salvini replied to Merkel’s dismissal of his anti-immigrant League party. In an interview with the Italian newspaper La Stampa, Angela Merkel excluded the possibility of an alliance between any right-wing and anti-establishment party with her center-right European People's Party (EPP).


    “Migration alone is enough to show why we would never open up to Mr. Salvini’s party.”

    Merkel’s harsh words didn’t upset Italy’s new anti-immigrant leader. Salvini had never expressed a wish to ally with the German chancellor. Instead, he had invited the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who is strongly opposed to Merkel’s open-border policy, to be part of the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) right wing group in the European Parliament.

    “We don’t want anything to do with Merkel and Macron, who have destroyed this European Union. We want to save Europe from the bureaucrats, the bankers and the financiers that have ruined it all these years.”

    The European elections will be held between May 23 and 26 this year. The centre-right EPP and centre-left Socialist and Democrats (S&D) are forecast to lose their combined majority in the European Parliament. The Brexit Party and Salvini’s coalition of Europe of Nations and Freedom are instead projected to make major wins.






    R T ‘We want nothing to do with you’: Salvini says Merkel and Macron ‘ruined’ Europe
    17 May 2019.



    "Our bond with Europe is a bond of race and not of political ideology. It is the European race we must preserve, political progress will follow. Racial strength is vital, politics a luxury. If the White race is ever seriously threatened, it may then be time for us to take our part in its protection, to fight side by side with the English, French and Germans, but not with one against the other for our mutual destruction." - Charles Lindbergh (1902-1974)


    Never should the White Race hold up another race or a member of another race as an icon for our race to look up to.


    "We human beings are not to question why Providence created races; we are only to recognize that Providence punishes him who disregards their divine creation." - Adolf Hitler - May 30 1938

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    Da HORROR!


    Kohl: I let him go bankrupt with his GDR
    Honnecker: I'll implement a trojan horse* that will not only bankrupt the whole country, but make a GDR out of the continent.
    (posted 2011)
    *Merkel

    Some predictions are scaringly accurate
    Ein Leben ist nichts, deine Sprosse sind alles
    Aller Sturm nimmt nichts, weil dein Wurzelgriff zu stark ist
    und endet meine Frist, weiss ich dass du noch da bist
    Gefürchtet von der Zeit, mein Baum, mein Stamm in Ewigkeit

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    a.k.a. Godwinson SaxonPagan's Avatar
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    Nigel Farage hit by milkshake during Newcastle walkabout

    Nigel Farage had milkshake thrown at him during a campaign walkabout.

    The Brexit Party leader had just given a short speech in Newcastle as part of a tour of the country ahead of the European elections.

    A man was dragged away by a police community support officer and later seen in handcuffs.

    Paul Crowther, 32, from Throckley, Newcastle, said it was a £5.25 Five Guys banana and salted caramel milkshake.

    Mr Farage was campaigning in the North East ahead of polling day on Thursday.

    A Northumbria Police spokesperson said: "A 32-year-old man has been arrested on suspicion of common assault and remains in police custody."

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    Justice in Soviet Britain


    Man jailed for leaving bacon sandwiches outside a mosque...

    thesun.co.uknews…jailed…bacon-sandwiches…mosque…
    Crehan was jailed following an attack on Jamia mosque in Totterdown, Bristol, which saw his gang leave rashers of bacon on door handles and bacon sandwiches on the doorstep. His accomplices Mark Bennett, 48, Alison Bennett, 46, and Angelina Margaret Swales, 31, were also sentenced. Mark Bennett was handed a nine-month..

    Kevin Crehan received a year in jail for putting bacon on the door handles to a mosque. Halfway through his sentence, he was mysteriously “found dead” in his jail cell and the British Police are not release no more details

    When Jeremy Corbyn was attacked earlier this year with an egg, his Brexit-supporting assailant was jailed for 28 days.



    Tommy Robinson is milkshaked and the assailant walks free.




    NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, ENGLAND – MAY 20: Paul Crowther (R) is pulled away by security and held by police after throwing what was thought to be milkshake over Brexit Party leader Nigel Farage in Northumberland Street in Newcastle Upon Tyne during a whistle stop UK tour on May 20, 2019 in Newcastle Upon Tyne, England.


    Milkshake Remainers Have Completely Lost Their Moral Compass

    In Soviet Britain what sort of sentence will this lefty get?


    Probably 20 hours Community service.

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    Merkel Bashes Populists, Calls for ‘Pro-Minority’ Europe of ‘Values’ Ahead of Elections





    Populists are the “enemy” of Europe and seek to destroy the continent’s globalist “values”, Angela Merkel has warned ahead of European Parliament elections this week.


    Speaking in Zagreb at the weekend, the German Chancellor Merkel urgedCroatians and other voters in Europe to shun pro-sovereignty, anti-mass migration political forces at the ballot boxes this week.

    Patriotism and support for a federal European superstate in which national sovereignty has been transferred to Brussels are “not opposites”, said the chancellor, insisting: “Our values mean we can be proud of our own country and at the same time work to build Europe.

    “There are populist currents that in many areas disdain these values, that want to destroy our European values,” said Merkel, pointing to fundamental human rights and the protection of minorities as examples of these.

    “Nationalism is the enemy of the European project, and we have to make that clear in the last days before the election,” she added, stressing that Europe is a “project of peace”, a “project of freedom” and “the project of prosperity”.

    The veteran German leader appeared at the rally alongside her fellow Christian Democratic Union (CDU) politician, Manfred Weber, the lead candidate of the EU Parliament’s neoliberal, so-called centre-right grouping.

    On Saturday, Weber echoed Merkel’s message as he ruled out any cooperation with populists following this week’s vote, telling Croatian media: “Right-wing populists and extremists are those who want to destroy Europe, who are not believing any more in partnership on this continent and we will fight against them.”

    At the same time as Merkel addressed a basketball court in Zagreb, patriotic, pro-national sovereignty parties met for a rally in Milan, where Italian deputy prime minister Matteo Salvini hit back at Brussels-backing establishment politicians.

    “There is no far-right here, there is just politics of common sense,” he told crowds at the Piazza del Duomo, proclaiming that “The extremists are those who governed Europe for 20 years in the name of precariousness and poverty.”

    Describing “the Europe of nations and people of which De Gasperi, De Gaulle, and Margaret Thatcher talked about” as “one of the most beautiful dreams”, the populist League minister called out globalist figures including Merkel, French leader Emmanuel Macron, and billionaire George Soros as “traitors” working to betray this vision “in the name of finance, of multinationalism, of money and uncontrolled immigration”.




    Nationalism is the enemy of the European "project" she says...
    Right, it's a project of the globalists.
    Globalists like you Merkill and S0RA$$ are the enemy of Europe.


    The leftist-globalist-Islamist combine that openly runs the UN is also behind the EU and its "project" in Brussels.



    Merkel Bashes Populists, Calls for ‘Pro-Minority’ Europe of ‘Values’ Ahead of Elections21 May 2019.


    We Must Have Racial Sovereignty. Accepting immigration is a death wish.


    Empress Merkel is a DEMON intent on turning Europe into HELL.

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    Rise of populism in Europe


    Elections set to quantify rise of populism in Europe


    At the informal summit of EU leaders in Romania on 9n May, the French president Emmanuel Macron was clear.
    "More than 400 million European citizens are going to vote, and they face a clear choice. Are we going to construct [Europe] together, differently, doing things better? Or do we want to dismantle and destroy Europe, and return to nationalism."

    The opinion polls suggest President Macron may be forgiven for framing the election in such stark terms. Eurosceptic, anti-immigrant and nationalist parties could win up to 30% of the 751 seats in the European Parliament, overturning a grand coalition of centre left and right that has ensured a stable consensus in the past five years.

    "It’s more than likely they will reinforce their position in the European Parliament," says Nathalie Brack, assistant professor of politics at the Free University of Brussels and a specialist on Eurosceptic groups in the parliament. "But you will have a lot of cross country variations."

    While the picture will indeed be mixed, they will make some striking gains.

    In France Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (National Rally) has climbed to take on and then overtake Emmanuel Macron’s La République En Marche! (REM) party. Politico’s Poll of Polls shows that the far right leader is on 23% to Macron’s 22%, with the centre right Les Républicains far behind on 16%.

    In Italy the anti-immigrant Lega (League) under Matteo Salvini could win well over one third of the country’s seats, while their Eurosceptic coalition partners the Five Star Movement (M5S) are in second place at 23%.

    In Poland, the Eurosceptic Law and Justice Party (PiS) have maintained a dogged lead against their nearest rivals Civic Platform (PO), European Council President Donald Tusk’s party. Civic Platform has pulled together a pro-European coalition under the name Koalicja Europejska (KE), but the PiS are still leading by a single point at 38%.

    In Hungary, Fidesz, led by Viktor Orban, the relentless thorn in the EU’s side, is expected to top the poll.

    In the UK, needless to say, Nigel Farage’s Brexit Party has surged into a seemingly unassailable lead.

    While Eurosceptic parties have struggled in the past to form a single cohesive bloc, this time around Mr Salvini is attempting to forge parties from 12 countries - Italy, Slovakia, France, the Netherlands, Estonia, Finland, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Belgium, Denmark, Germany and Austria - into a formidable force within the parliament.

    While Bulgaria might not return any MEPs to the group, and other countries might only get modest seat numbers, the symbolic impact of Italy and France, two founding members, electing a majority of far right parties will be significant.

    The European Parliament is made up of trans-national political groups that span the political spectrum. The centre right European People’s Party (EPP) and the Socialists and Democrats (S&D have traditionally held sway, enjoying the lion’s share of the all-powerful committees and rapporteur positions. Between them they hold 412 seats out of 751 in the outgoing parliament. While Eurosceptic parties made big gains in 2014, their combined total was not enough to thwart the pro-European majority.

    Ireland's Fine Gael TD Dara Murphy, the EPP’s director of elections, dismisses talk of a Eurosceptic revolution. "There is a lot of commentary out there that the extremists and populists are taking over," he says. "That’s not the case. Two thirds of this next parliament are going to be very pro-European, with elements of the other groups who are only mildly euro-critical as opposed to the hard Eurosceptic.”"There are people out there who only want to tear it down. They’re not providing any alternative. They’re looking at it with a completely nationalist viewpoint, so they need to be called out on what exactly they want to do."

    It is conceivable that the populist insurgents could become the second biggest group, meaning the EPP and S&D; would seek a coalition with the Liberals (ALDE), of which Fianna Fáil is a member, and the Greens, to ensure a pro-European continuity. There are plenty of theories which explain this extraordinary turnaround in European politics.

    The 2014-15 migration crisis and the lingering effects of the financial crash and the austerity which followed, are presented as the key factors. But there are contradictions and nuances.

    It’s true that in Italy Lega has been propelled into power largely because Italians believed the rest of Europe did not want to help with a huge influx of migrants from Africa. Ironically, Lega wanted more EU intervention to spread the burden.

    Hungary under Mr Orban has championed anti-immigrant sentiment and does not believe it should taken in any refugees. In Greece, arguably the most exposed to waves of migrants, the far left Syriza party is on a respectable 25%.

    In Germany, which has taken in over a million refugees, the far right AfD is hovering at around only 12%c, well below the Greens, SPD and CDU/CSU, all of whom, with varying degrees of enthusiasm, have largely accepted the task of providing asylum and integration where necessary and possible.

    Observers therefore urge caution when it comes to the final picture.
    "It’s complex because you have a more general crisis of representation at the national level," says Nathalie Brack, "where people don’t trust the elites and the national parties any more. The European elections are often used as a protest anyway against the national government, where they signal their discontent by supporting radical far right or populist parties."

    According to a major study in April by the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) and YouGov, covering 14 member states where there 80% of the seats, the volatility among voters that characterized the 2014 election is back, with citizens less rigidly identifiable by the class, income and geographical indicators of the past.

    As such, some 97 million voters are undecided, only 43% will definitely vote, and between 15%-30% of those do not yet have a preference. Of those who do have a strong preference, 70% will potentially be swinging to another party.

    The report states: "Electoral movement is not thus just in one direction [i.e. to the far right], but in all directions among the very same people."

    Surprisingly, Europeans do not regard migration as the most important election issue, even though nearly all major European parties have shifted their policies to the right. Instead pollsters found that corruption, living standards, housing, unemployment and health ranked above, or alongside, migration as key issues for European voters.

    How politicians respond to those concerns will be a more reliable determinant of voting preference, rather than an assumption that voters will simply shift to the right. "This reflects a more general trend that we used to see at the national level, which is now happening at the European level" says Agata Gostynska-Jakubowska, a senior research fellow with the Centre for European Reform (CER). "The general public is no longer voting for the same parties their entire lives, the links between class, education and your political affiliations is less obvious. People are voting for different movements, very often for movements which have a one issue manifesto."

    Not all of these new parties are anti-European. But the problem for mainstream parties is that they haven’t challenged some of the populist myths about migration effectively, and when they simply tried to copy the narrative they haven’t sounded convincing. "[Migration and the financial crisis] are the factors that the populists have been exploiting, and they’ve been doing this pretty well," says Ms Gostynska-Jakubowska. "They have been using certain narratives appealing to the general public. Unfortunately mainstream parties have been doing relatively badly at explaining that migration might actually be a good thing and why we need migration. “Instead they’ve been copying the populist narrative, but not as authentically, to the public, as when the populists were using it.”


    One comfort for the mainstream is that European parties do not seem to have descended into the spiteful tribal politics of the United States, or, indeed, of Brexit Britain. Instead, volatility seems to be the order of the day. "Rather than comprising a stable, predictable electoral community of citizens who are organised into parties, the European political system has descended into a battleground of constantly shifting alliances between groupings that come together momentarily before blowing up again afterwards," concludes the ECFR/YouGov report.


    Most citizens across the EU worry about the economy and unemployment in their own countries, but not everyone blames the EU.

    In countries like Poland and Slovakia, where far right parties and populist parties predominate, corruption is more of a concern to voters than migration.

    Indeed, according to the ECFR/YouGov poll, citizens in member states like Italy, Spain, Hungary, Poland and Greece are more worried about people leaving than people arriving.

    Furthermore, citizens in Poland, Hungary, Romania and Spain believe the EU is a positive force in constraining the excesses of their own governments, while in Italy, Germany, Sweden and France, voters believe the EU constrains national governments from doing what is best for their citizens.


    What harm could these groups do to the European project?

    It all depends on how far Mr Salvini manages to forge a disparate collection of nationalist parties into a cohesive block.

    At present Eurosceptic parties are scattered along the right of the spectrum.

    The Polish Law and Justice (PiS) party sit alongside the outgoing Tories in the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group; the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) bundles together UKIP and the Italian Five Star Movement; Marine Le Pen’s National Rally held 17 of the 37 seats in the outgoing Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF) group with a clutch of UKIP members drifting in and out.

    Mr Salvini’s dream is to gather all radical Eurosceptic parties into a single group. He launched the European Alliance of People and Nations (EAPN) on 12 April, flanked by the leaders of Alternative for Germany (AfD), the Danish People's Party (DPP) and the Finns Party's.

    Ms Le Pen’s National Rally, Belgium’s Vlaams Belang and the Freedom Party of Austria all then announced they would leave the ENF and join Mr Salvini’s alliance. Slovakia's We Are Family, the Slovenian National Party and the Conservative People's Party of Estonia also signalled their intent to join, although none of these parties currently has any MEPs.

    Other far right parties from the Czech Republic, the Netherlands and Bulgaria are expected to sign up, while the Spanish Vox party is also reported to be interested.

    A bigger block will guarantee more Eurosceptic MEPs get rapporteurships and positions on all-powerful committees, which will give them more influence in shaping legislation and pushing policies.

    While a Eurosceptic bloc won’t be able to wreck the EU from within, a more fragmented parliament will make legislation slower and more difficult.

    If the centre-right and left combine with Liberals and Greens to keep the ship of integration on an even keel, they will later run the risk of appearing to voters as an amorphous middle group, with few identifiable policy preferences.

    In the outgoing parliament Eurosceptic influence was dissipated. Moderate Eurosceptics co-operated with mainstream parties on issues like the economy, consumer rights and the environment, while harder Eurosceptics like UKIP and the French National Rally opposed most policies.

    Frequently nationalist parties were simply content to use their profile at EU level for more ambitious domestic electoral gain.

    Mr Salvini wants a more coherent approach.

    "We are seeing a sort of Europeanisation of radical right parties under Salvini’s leadership," says Ms Brack of the Free University of Brussels. "They agree on a lot of stuff - immigration, being anti-establishment, anti-elite."

    But the very nature of nationalist parties could undermine Mr Salvini’s ambition.

    "They are more cohesive on what they oppose, but not what they support," says Ms Brack. "The core issue for these parties is nationalism. So it’s the national interest first. The main obstacle for transnational cooperation is the attitude of Italy first, France first. How do you cooperate if the national interest comes first?"


    On closer examination cohesion breaks down along some policy areas. The Italian Lega is close to Vladimir Putin’s United Russia, but Poland’s Law and Justice remain hostile to the Kremlin. Some parties are protectionist, like Ms Le Pen’s National Rally, others, like the Dutch Forum for Democracy are pro-free trade.


    Almost all of them have rowed back from any previous flirtation with exiting the European Union or the single currency.

    "People have looked at the Brexit negotiations and discovered that leaving the EU is not such a good idea," says Ms Gobynska-Jakubowski of the CER. "Populist parties have realised that by banging on about the European Union and advocating withdrawal they won’t buy voters."

    The mantra now is for what Mr Salvini calls a "common sense" Europe, rather than the complete dismantling of the EU.


    This is picked up by Mischaël Modrikamen, a lawyer and head of the right-wing Popular Party in Belgium, who founded what he calls a populist "club" known as The Movement. The Movement is better known for its association with Steve Bannon, the high priest of nativist populism in the United States and Donald Trump’s campaign manager, who has his sights firmly on an anti-immigrant uprising in the EU.

    Mr Modrikamen was a fully-fledged supporter of both Mr Trump and Nigel Farage, the former UKIP leader. After the insurgent earthquake in 2016 Mr Farage brought Mr Bannon and the Belgian together at a lunch in London, where, according to Mr Modrikamen, it was love at first sight. Mr Bannon then co-opted The Movement as a way of pulling European populist parties together and to help them share "resources", largely because trans-national funding of political parties is illegal in a number of EU countries.

    Mr Modrikamen says because the organisation is only a "club", individual members are free to pursue their own varieties of nationalism. Uniting them all, claims Mr Modrikamen, is the basic assumption that the EU is undemocratic, powers must be brought back to national capitals, borders closed, and what he calls the globalist policy of an immigration free-for-all rolled back. The Movement, he stresses, is not European – it is global, linking leaders from Joao Bolsanaro in Brazil, with Mr Trump in American, Mr Orban in Hungary and even Shinzo Abe in Japan.

    "The populist uprising is everywhere," he told Ireland's RTÉ News, "because it fits everywhere, because the struggle is everywhere. If populists are elected it is because they are deeply, deeply in tune with what the citizen wants." Ironically this is the essential critique of populism: that its leaders at best recklessly pander to what voters want, offering overly simple solutions to highly complex problems, rather than exploring compromise to safeguard the greater good; or at worst, awakening the basest and most confrontational instincts of citizens when it comes to issues like migration.

    For mainstream parties, in an era of relentlessly poisonous social media, meeting populism head on is difficult. Many have simply moved to the right on migration, but have yet to see any electoral dividend.

    On the other hand, Emmanuel Macron has made confronting populism the guiding principle of his presidency, but he still cannot put any clear water between his party and Marine Le Pen. One EU ambassador sums up the challenge: "My prime minister has always been clear: it is not to say that people who vote for these parties are wrong. We have to come up with better policies which take into account the concerns of the people. We are not here to fend off right wing and populist parties. It’s about getting policies right, rather than just targeting one part of the political spectrum."

    Nonetheless, the strategic agenda for the incoming Commission and Parliament has more than one nod to the populist zeitgeist: the blueprint which EU leaders will adopt at a summit in June emphasises the need to "protect" citizens and to secure external borders.

    This weekend candidates will deploy varying degrees of personal charisma, hard work, and narratives that either hail the EU’s unique supranational apparatus as the best way to confront society’s challenges, or narratives that expose the EU as the problem.

    The results on Sunday night will reveal who has been the most convincing in their promise to protect the European citizen.



    RTE Aertel - Elections set to quantify rise of populism in Europe - rte.ie 22 May 2019.




    The objective of our so called 'progressive, open' cultures is genocide.

    What we do now determines whether or not our Race survives. It's that simple.

    EU democracy is Oligarchy. Who Counts these EU Votes?

    Then the EU Parliament is ‘musical chairs’ with Marxists, Gays, Paedophiles, Perverts, Devil Worshippers, Sick wierdos, wackos, cokeheads and drunks, ‘all on the take.’

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    Eu tyranny faces annihilation in new elections

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    Can you guys feel the excitement building? I'll be glued to my TV-screen all day. In less than 24 hours the mother of all elections will be over. Well, "mother of all elections". I expect there will be much more crucial elections in the future if the civic nationalist parties remain relevant.



    Europe from Left to Right

    We've analyzed recent election results in over 80,000 regions of Europe. And we found many patterns – from the radical left to the extremist right. Find your community.

    By Von Julius Tröger, Michael Schlieben, Patrick Reichelt, Sascha Venohr, Paul Blickle und Julian Stahnke.

    Source: Zeit

    Between Thursday and Sunday of this week, 400 million Europeans are eligible to cast their ballots in European Parliament elections. Five years have passed since the last European elections and a lot has happened in the interim, including the Brexit referendum, the refugee crisis and the election of Donald Trump in the U.S. To obtain as accurate a picture as possible of the current mood and political trends in Europe, we have analyzed the results of the most recent elections across Europe, from the national level right down to municipal votes.

    The colors on the map reflect the party group that received the most votes in each region. We have analyzed data from all 28 EU member states, with the results subdivided into 81,056 localities, mostly municipalities.

    What immediately becomes clear: Europe is a colorful place. From leftist-socialist to far right-nationalist, the Continent is home to an extremely broad political spectrum – and every political creed is in the majority somewhere.

    The map also reveals how strong each party group is in Europe. Click on a party category in the top bar and the Continent will take on a yellow, red, green or dark blue hue, with the darkness or lightness of the color reflecting the representation for that region of the parties in a specific group. We chose the colors in accordance with the colors used in the German party landscape. Other countries sometimes use different colors or appellations.

    To determine what group a party belonged to, we relied heavily on the classifications of the Chapel Hill Expert Survey. The international association of experts regularly examines the positions held by all relevant political parties in Europe and categorizes them on the basis of their findings. These categories, of course, are not always sharply defined (more on this in the section on methods). But they are quite helpful in depicting how political power is divvied up in Europe.

    At first glance, Europe may look like a colorful patchwork, but there are patterns and concentrations. The dark blue of conservatism dominates the center, while there are still a few social democratic or socialist strongholds left in Europe's north and west. Recently, leftist fringe parties have found success in southern Europe.

    Right-Wing Populists

    The traditional rivalry between red (social democrats) and dark blue (conservatives) has more recently been supplanted by other conflicts. New colors are gaining ground across Europe. The light blue of the right-wing populists can now be seen in wide swaths of the continent, though it is strongest in Poland. But the political landscapes of France, Italy, Germany and Scandinavia have also been colored populist blue.



    But right-wing populists are not the same everywhere. Their positions on the European Union, Russia or financial transfers within the EU are sometimes fundamentally different. As a result, there are likely to be at least two right-wing populist factions in the European Parliament after the elections. Furthermore, there are parties that share the core beliefs of the right wing but which, due to tradition or other circumstances, tend to be grouped (if only narrowly) with the conservatives. The Fidesz Party in Hungary is one such example.

    This shows that a party's orientation is far from static. It can change over time. The Italian party Lega Nord, for example, was seen just a couple of years ago as more of a regional separatist party. Now, though, it is a vanguard of the right-wing populist movement in Europe.

    The Alternative for Germany (AfD) also belongs in this camp. It is particularly strong in Eastern Germany and in some areas, it receives more support than any other.

    North-South Divide



    Several countries exhibit clear internal dividing lines when it comes to voting patterns, divisions that are often rooted in history or structural factors. Italy is a particularly striking example, a country where the prosperous north generally votes differently than the poorer south. It is this division that gave rise to the Lega Nord. Even though the right-wing populist party now receives votes in southern Italy as well (the result of its transformation from a regional to a national right-wing party, a metamorphosis reflected in its new name: Lega), the division in the country can still clearly be seen.



    The Iberian Peninsula likewise displays such a division. Both in Spain and in Portugal, southerners tend to be further to the left on the party spectrum than their compatriots in the north. In both countries, the hotter south is less densely populated and more defined by large property owners and, correspondingly, poor farmworkers. These workers have traditionally been more likely to support leftist parties than has been the case in the more densely populated regions farther to the north.

    In Sweden, the opposite is true: The sparsely populated north tends to produce stronger election results for the social democrats. The stark division in Belgium is also notable, being the product of the conflict between the Flemish and the Walloons. This is reflected in the country's political party system.

    Regional Parties



    Regional separatist parties play an important role in some countries. In Spain, the Catalonian conflict has most recently received the most attention, but there are also a lot of people in the United Kingdom, Scandinavia, Southern Europe and Eastern Europe who no longer feel at home in their own country. In many cases, such separatist parties are opposed to the European Union. Others, though (like the Catalonians), are hoping for support from Brussels in their efforts to gain autonomy.

    Greens

    Relative to the rest of Europe, the Greens are particularly deeply rooted in Western Germany. But they have also begun to attract significant support in other countries as well. The Greens were even part of the government in Latvia, even if they are much more conservative and rurally focused than environmental parties elsewhere in Central Europe.



    In other countries in Southern or Eastern Europe, by contrast, the Greens still don't play much of a role in the party landscape and are not represented in parliament. That doesn't mean, however, that their positions don't find some support. In the Czech Republic, for example, the Pirates are quite strong, a party whose focus on grassroots democracy is quite reminiscent of the Greens. There is also quite a bit of overlap between the Spanish party Podemos (which is categorized here as being leftist) and the Greens.

    Liberals

    The yellow of the liberals is quite strongly represented in several countries at the center of Europe, particularly in France, where President Emmanuel Macron's party La République En Marche! rose to power in 2017. The liberals are also traditionally strong in the Benelux countries and in Denmark and Finland.



    A few liberal strongholds can also be identified in Eastern Europe. Indeed, liberal parties recently emerged victorious in both Estonia and in the Czech Republic.

    In this party group too, though, individual members are often quite different from each other. Political scientists, for example, see similarities between the Czech party ANO 2011, classified here as a liberal party, and the Italian Five Star Movement, which is here classified as indefinable, with some experts seeing it as a left-wing populist party and others as right-wing populist. The German liberal party FDP and the Dutch liberals from the VVD, meanwhile, want nothing to do with the Five Star Movement

    In general, it can be said that it is particularly difficult to classify parties that have only recently been founded – like the Five Star Movement and ANO 2011. Another such group is the Liste Pilz in Austria. Such parties often develop as protest movements against the entrenched system and as a result, they tend not to reflect the traditional lines of conflict that produced the political parties of the 20th century.

    It remains to be seen in which direction such parties might develop in the future. And it is very possible that they will have to be reclassified when the next European elections roll around in 2024. Or that we will need different colors and more categories.
    “Tradition anchors our experience of time in memory and projects it into the future through hope.” – Rein Staal

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