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Thread: Germany's Forgotten Victims - Allied Atrocities Against the Germans (WWI)

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    Post Hidden Historical Fact: The Allied Attempt to Starve Germany in 1919

    Hidden Historical Fact: The Allied Attempt to Starve Germany in 1919

    Even after an armistice ended World War I, the rapacious victors continued a devastating blockade of Germany.

    If one word could describe Germany during the immediate aftermath of World War I, it would be "starvation." And yet, while some 900,000 German men, women and children were starving to death, the American and British public knew nothing about the reason for this holocaust, deliberately caused by the continuation of a wartime British naval blockade.

    Britain's post-war naval blockade of food to Germany in 1919 matched the then current blockade of news by the American and British press. Even today, only a few non-Germans know the truth, and American and British historians, for the most part, have participated in the coverup of this most appalling crime.

    The guilt of the world press in covering up the atrocity is compounded by the fact that the American and British public were told of the starvation itself, but were kept ignorant of the criminal policies of the Allies which produced it.
    Read more...

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    Post Re: Hidden Historical Fact: The Allied Attempt to Starve Germany in 1919

    Some call them the ALL-LIES for a very good reason!

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    Post Re: Hidden Historical Fact: The Allied Attempt to Starve Germany in 1919

    strange, despite all the anti german propaganda in US history textbooks, we actually learned about this tragedy. The book estimates, or rather admits, that ~500,000 to a million germans died of starvation due to the Allied blockade of Germany during WWI.

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    Post Re: AW: Hidden Historical Fact: The Allied Attempt to Starve Germany in 1919

    The first World War was a bloodbath, and in the eyes of the allies, Germany was responsible. So it's hardly surprising that many in the Allied nations wanted to punish Germany.

    But that's not to say I believe that "the Allies" attempted to starve the Germans to death.

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    Another source:
    THE POLITICS OF HUNGER: THE ALLIED BLOCKADE OF GERMANY, 1915-1919. By C. Paul Vincent. Ohio University Press, Athens (Ohio) and London, 1985; pp. viii, 191.

    Reviewed by Robert A. Hall, Jr.

    When did the First World War end? Yes, that is a "catch-question." Virtually everybody will reply "November 1918;" but, in so doing, they will be wrong. That was the date on which hostilities on land ceased. On sea, however, although there was no more combat, the Allied (chiefly English) blockade of foodstuffs and other materials continued until July 11, 1919, eight months after the Armistice was signed at Compiègne. The purpose of the blockade? -- to force the new government of Germany, the "Weimar Republic," to ratify the Versailles "peace" treaty without delay. In this way, an intentionally continued and increased scarcity of food and the resultant famine was used as a militarily enforced weapon against the civilian population of Germany. Vincent's book, originally conceived as a study of the post-1918 blockade, grew into a detailed history of the entire operation and it's background, from 1914 onward.

    Vincent's study is divided into six chapters. In the first two, he treats pre-1918 history; in the next three, the events of 1918-1919 and in the last, the longer-range effects of the starvation resulted from the blockade. Chapter I, "The Loss of Innocence," deals with the developments in the first year of the war that led to the establishment of the blockade. On both sides, at the outbreak of hostilities, the populations appeared to be enthusiastic about the war and in a state of euphoria which owed a great deal of its virulence to the glorification of War by the "futurists" in literature and art, as well as by the more rabid nationalists during the first decade and a half of the new century. A major factor in this now strange headlong rush into Armageddon was the widespread expectation that the war would not, in fact, could not, last more than a few months. (Your reviewer's first coherent memory is of a bright September afternoon in Minneapolis, listening to the adults deploring the outbreak of "this terrible war" in Europe, and expressing the hope that it would be over by Christmas.)

    As time passed, it became evident that both sides were going to have to take drastic measures to counteract the ill effects of the excessive strain placed upon the civilian populations. Vincent points out that "the severe wartime conditions and the experiences of the English and the French on the homefront were generally matched and in many cases exceeded in Germany" (p. 15). In the following pages, Vincent analyzes the situation in Germany, with the interesting conclusion that - contrary to our prevailing folklore - the German war-effort was poorly organized, with unwise priorities given to industrial and business interests at the expense of those of civilians and farmers. Although foreign sources of food and fertilizer were cut off, the authorities "virtually ignored the [...] effects of a food shortage" (p. 30).

    Matters may have been made considerably worse by the administration of the food regulations being incredibly decentralized. Under the provisions of the Prussian Law of Siege (p. 17), the procurement and distribution of the domestic food supply was administered by no less than twenty-four separate German army authorities, under generals who differed widely in their attitudes and approaches to the problem, and who often worked at cross-purposes from each other and from the overall army administration. By 1916 the German population was surviving on a "meager diet of dark bread, slices of sausage without fat, an individual ration of three pounds of potatoes per week, and turnips. Only the turnips were in abundant supply" (p. 21). By mid-1918, the army's food ration was no better, and this scarcity contributed to disaffection among the troops. Vincent quotes (p. 23) General Ludendorff's allegation that the German defeat was due to a "stab in the back" (Dolchstoss, literally "dagger-stab"). True, says Vincent, at least in part, but what was not mentioned by Ludendorff was "the fact that the amry had fashioned the knife" by its maladministration of the food-supply throughout the entite war.

    In Chapter II, "The Blockade," Vincent summarizes the events which led up to its establishment in 1915 and its effects in Germany. These were especially severe in the terrible Kohlrübenwinter ("turnip-winter") of 1916-1917, "during which the collective weight (sic) of the German population plummeted sharply" (p. 45). The blockade was almost totally effective in cutting off Germany's imports of food and materiel. In 1917, with German morale nearing the point of collapse, the Kaiser decided on the now infamous policy of unrestricted submarine warfare. In so doing, Vincent argues that the German leadership committed two serious errors; "They totally underestimated the vigor with which the Allies would counter the effects of the submarine;" and "they failed to appreciate the consequence of America's potentional addition to the side of the Allies" (p. 47). By November, 1918, the food-shortage in Germany had become catastrophic; the action of the Allies in continuing the blockade, after the cessation of hostilites on land, made it even worse.

    Vincent's next two chapters deal in detail with the events of the eight months after November 11, 1918, primarily on the diplomatic front. He describes the November armistice as "A Conditional Surrender" (the title of Chapter III). Even before the cessation of hostilities on land, there had been ominous anticipations of coming discord among the Allies. Wilson's famous "Fourteen Points" (which included "absolute freedom of navigation" at all times) seem to have been taken more seriously by the German government and negotiators than by Foch and Clemenceau with their intense desire for unlimited revanche, or by Lloyd George with his stubborn insistence on undiminished British command of the seas. As a consequence, and much to the dismay of the German negotiators, the continuation of the naval blockade was made one of the conditions for the Allied granting of an armistice (hence Vincent's title for this chapter). On November 11, just before the signing, the Germans were so perturbed at the prospect of continued starvation through the continuance of the blockade that a clause was added to the armistice agreement, to the effect that the Allies "contemplated relieving the famine." This, however, as later events showed, was only an empty phrase.

    "Gold, Food, Ships, and Diplomats," during the next eight months, are the topic of Chapter 5. There was a strange intermingling and clash of often diametrically opposed policies on the part of victorious Allies, so that Herbert Hoover's initial moves for humanitarian famine relief, as applied to Germany, were for months stalemated by considerably less laudable refusals on the part of the French and British to allow food to be distributed, even from stocks already unloaded in Europe. The blockade was not only maintained, but even extended. Almost wholly incomprehensible to a later generation, even German fishing rights in the Baltic were abrogated. The British sea lords were concerned with the continual assertion of their naval power, while the French politicians were more interested with extracting from the Germans every possible centime of reparations. The French government's demands extended even to the gold-reserves held by the German government which were desperately needed to pay the American farmer for food which he had supplied. An Allied commission set up to deal with the situation, meeting at Spa, Belgium, wasted time in interminable wrangling. For three months, even eyewitness reports of the extremely bad situation in Germany failed to move either the Allied commission at Spa or the peace negotiators at Paris.

    In the end, it took a violent outburst of anger on Hoover's part to persuade Lloyd-George that a drastic change in Allied policy was urgently needed (pp. 114-11). On March 8, 1919, the Allies' policy was finally reversed (pp. 111-13) by the Supreme War Council, at a meeting which has been made relatively well-known by John Maynard Keynes's description of it in his memoirs (from which Vincent gives several quotations). As for the sources of French and British obstructionism during these crucial months, Vincent ascribes their behavior to several causes (pp. 115-17), These included: British desire to maintain the "very perfect instrument' of the bockade for imposing peace terms (Keynes's explanation); the ignorance of Allied diplomats as to the real situation; the Europeans' suspicion of Hoover's humanitarianism, which they interpreted (at least in part) as evidence of a presumed desire of the United States to dominate Europe; and, most important of all, French greed for German gold.

    The continually worsening starvation of the Gemran public is described in Vincent's fifth chapter, "Famine and Starvation." Not only the supplies of actual food (especially potatoes, grain and sugar), but also fodder, fats and fertilizer quickly came to be in very short supply. Not only the housewife, but the soldier and the prisoner-of-war, were affected. The resultant severe undernourishment was particularly telling on the elderly, the young, expectant and nursing mothers. Improper diet lowered resistance to or caused such diseases as tuberculosis, rickets, influenza, dysentery, scurvy, ulceration of the eyes, and hunger-edema (p. 137). The influenza-epidemic of 1918 had, therefore, a far greater effect on German mortality, which was 250 percent greater in that year, than in England (p.141). Vincent emphasizes (pp. 146-47) the disastrous results in malnutrition, as demonstrated in many modern physiological and psychological studies, on the human brain, especially in undernourished children. Furthermore, he points out (pp.148-50), the elementary necessity of obtaining a barely sufficient food supply undermined traditional morality and ethical standards (pp.148-50).

    The end result of the blockade and especially of its continuation after November 11,1918, was, as Vincent terms it in the title of his sixth and final chapter, "The Making of a Quagmire." Even while the blockade was being enforced and strengthened, perceptive observers on both sides pointed out the dangers inherent in its continuation, which could lead only to a complete breakdown of the social order. Even though the immediate situation was saved by a last-minute relaxation of the blockade on food, the longer-term results of the resultant famine were still disasterous. As Vincent observes (pp.112):

    Whether one espouses the psychoanalytical argument that childhood deprivation fostered irrational behavior in adulthood or the physiological assertion that widespread malnutrition in childhood led to a impaired ability to think rationally in adulthood, the conclusion remains the same: the victimized youth of 1915-1920 were to become the most radical adherents of National Socialism.

    Additionally, Vincent observes (p. 164) "By the same wisdom, however, one cannot intellectually dismiss the important possibility that blockade-induced starvation was a significant factor in the formation of the Nazi character." His conclusion (pp. 164-65) is that:

    The ominious amalgamation of twisted emotion and physical degeneration, which was to presage considerable misery for Germany and the world, might have been prevented had it not been for the postwar policy of the Allies. The immediate centerpiece of this policy was the blockade.

    Two short appendices, of British reports made in 1919 on the famine prevailing in Germany, are printed on pp. 168-72. An extensive bibliography (pp. 173-82) and a not wholly complete index (pp. 183-91) finish the book. It is well-printed, with few typos. The very full references are contained in notes printed at the end of each chapter -- a far better procedure than that of putting them all in one huge clump at the end of the text of the book.

    Specialists in the field have, of course, known of the Allied blockade and of its results, for a long time. A major merit of Vincent's treatment is his bringing together of information from all these different sources, and welding it into a comprehensive, highly readable, and yet scholarly presentation of the whole picture of both the 1915-18 blockade and its continuation and extension in 1918-19. Your reviewer, who was brought up in an intensely Anglophile and Francophile family, but who majored in German literature as an undergraduate, was unaware (like almost all other Americans) of the nature and extent of the blockade. Vincent's book has opened his eyes to one more neglected facet of modern history. By performing this service for his readers, Vincent has made a contribution to the never-ending task of revising and refining our perception of history, which can never be one hundred percent accurate or immune to change.
    http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v07/v07p231_Hall.html

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    Quote Originally Posted by Dr. Solar Wolff View Post
    Starve them, hell, it was going to go alot worse for German men if Secretary of State Morganthal had his way. He wanted Wilson to casterate every German man----yea, cut off their balls! I am not kidding. Naturally, Morganthal was a Jew and his idea went nowhere but that is what he thought. There was a little booklet about this recently titled: Germany Must Die----Deutschland muss Sterben or something like this. I saw the title in German and may not have it exactly right.
    You're thinking of the Morgenthau Plan, put forward by Henry Morgenthau, the Secretary of the Treasury under FDR.

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    Germany's Forgotten Victims - Allied Atrocities Against the Germans (WWI)

    It's good that Allied atrocities against Germans during and after WWII are exposed here, but I think we should have a WWI version of the thread too.

    Some examples:

    “Get the Rope!” Anti-German Violence in World War I-era Wisconsin

    In the early 20th century, German Americans were the nation’s largest immigrant group. Although they were regarded as a model of successful assimilation, they faced vicious—and sometimes violent—attacks on their loyalty when the United States went to war against Germany in 1917. The most notorious incident was the lynching of German-born Robert Prager in Colinsville, Illinois, in April 1918. Other incidents stopped just short of murder. In a statement made on October 22, 1918, John Deml, a farmer in Outagamie County, a heavily German and Scandinavian area of Wisconsin, described the nativist mob that had visited him two days earlier. Suspected of not strongly enough supporting the war effort, he was narrowly saved from lynching.

    A Statement made by John Deml of Outagamie County, Wisconsin, at Madison, Wisconsin, Tuesday, October 22, 1918.

    About half-past twelve (continuing for more than an hour) Sunday morning October 20th, my wife awaked me, saying, that there were a large number of men on the front porch, pounding and rapping on the door, besides talking in a loud tone of voice. I was upstairs; then I came downstairs and went to the front door, where they were, and I asked them, who was there! Several answered at once, “The Council of Defense.” I then asked them, “What do you want?” and they replied, “We want you to sign up.” I replied, “I have done my share.”And they asked me when, and I replied, “I did my share in the spring.”(That is, I meant to say I had done my share in the third loan, when I subscribed for $450 in bonds.) To make it plain, on the 28th of September, at the opening of the fourth drive, I was notified by letter that my bond assessment would be $800. When Henry Baumann came to see me, I told him I could not possibly take $500 now but would take some, meaning a substantial amount, that is all I could afford; and he replied, “My orders are you must take $500 or nothing.”

    After I had replied that I had done my share in the spring, they demanded that I open the door and let them in. I told them I didn’t have to open the door; then they undertook to force the door open, and went so far as to tear the screen door open; then they threatened to break down the door, and I said, “Come on then, boys.” Then they appeared to be planning, and while they were doing that, I took the time to put my shoes on. By that time they were at the kitchen door, and they made a demand that I let them in through that door; then I went to the kitchen door and opened it and found a crowd of men (much larger than I expected) around the door, and then reaching out two by two around towards the front of the house. I left the door and walked to the front porch to see if they had done any painting (as they had previously painted a neighbor’s mail-box); I walked to the road to see if they had painted my mail-box. And then I turned around to return to the house when they all at one time closed in on me like a vise; some grabbing my fingers or wrist, others my legs, and several of them were shouting, holding a paper before me, “Sign up.” I said, “I will not sign up at this time of night.” Then a man shouted, “Get the rope!” The first I knew was when the rope was about my neck and around my body under my arms. Someone then gave a sharp jerk at the rope and forced me to my knees and hands; at the same time some of them jumped on my back, and while bent over someone struck me in the face, making me bleed; then a man (whom I recognized) said, “Boys, you are going to far”; and then, as they got me away from them a little, I heard a man say, “You can’t scare him.” I answered,“I am not afraid of the entire city of Appleton.” Then a man (whom I knew) got me to one side, and he said, “Let’s go into the house and talk between ourselves.” Then two men (whom I knew) went with me into the house, and we sat or stood around the table, and they still demanded that I sign up. I said, “I will not sign up for any man after being abused like this.” Then a man (whom I knew) told me I would have to go with them, or, if I didn’t go with them, would have to come to town that Sunday morning at 10 o’clock to see Mr. Keller. I told them that I would be there; they left; as they left, I noticed, and so did my family and neighbors, that they rode away in seven automobiles. I did not go to see Mr. Keller. Signed, JOHN DEML.

    Source: “Prussianizing Wisconsin,” Atlantic Monthly, [NEED VOLUME/DATE] pp. 101–102.
    http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/1

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    “We Had to Be So Careful”A German Farmer’s Recollections of Anti-German Sentiment in World War I

    German Americans had a complex response to the attacks on their loyalty that emerged when the United States went to war against Germany in 1917. During and after the war, many German Americans began to conceal their ethnic identity—some changed their names; others stopped speaking German; still others quit German-American organizations. Many, like Frank Brocke, son of a German-American farmer, tried to keep a low profile. In this interview, Frank Brocke discussed his own assimilation (he later became the president of the local bank) which led him to justify the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II—a stance that many Japanese Americans and others would disclaim.

    Frank Brocke: Well, you’re a farmer and the only thing that you suffered for was, I would say you suffered more for the fact if you were of German descent more than anything else. That was the hardest part we had to play with it. My mother, German, my dad being German, and of course, there was a lot of propaganda against the German people. And we had to be so careful. That was the hardest thing we put up with in World War I. And the only thing I can, my mother and her sister used to talk over telephone and they’d talk in German. And of course, that would ire the English or the other people, they didn’t like it and they’d slam the receivers down. But they overcame it after two or three years it all straightened out. And everybody was associating again. But it was strictly propaganda.

    Interviewer: Was it supposed to be a question of loyalty, of whether the German people were really loyal to the United States instead of to Germany?

    Frank Brocke: Well of course, it wasn’t near as bad as when Japan—Pearl Harbor and they took action against the Japanese, which probably was justified without a doubt. It’s too bad it had to be, you remember after Pearl Harbor how they took all the Japanese and concentrated them around a certain spot in California, and they had to stay there for a certain length of time till they could be cleared. It never was that bad. It was just that there was a lot of hatred against the Germans and if you were German, you were a little bit tinted, I guess. But, as I say, minded your own business, you didn’t go lookin' for trouble, that was the atmosphere on our place. We had no particular argument with anybody and of course, you got along.

    Source: Oral history courtesy of Latah County Historical Society
    http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/3

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    “Nobody Would Eat Kraut”: Lola Gamble Clyde on Anti-German Sentiment in Idaho During World War I

    When the United States went to war against Germany in 1917, German Americans faced vicious and unfair attacks on their loyalty. Many anti-German incidents were not recorded, but they lived on powerfully in people’s memories. In this 1976 interview, Lola Gamble Clyde, the daughter of an Irish-born Presbyterian minister and a teenager during World War I, described the “hysteria” that faced German Americans in rural Latah County, Idaho.

    Lola Gamble Clyde: There were some boys that got draft deferments for this and other reason, and they rode 'em on a rail and they took off their clothes and tarred and feathered some of them. Some of them as old men dying still resented and remembered those violent episodes. I remember when they smashed out store windows at Uniontown that said Kraut on it. And Kraut on the window. Nobody would eat Kraut. Throw the Kraut out, they were Germans. You know. And all that was pretty vile, you know. I remember even the great Williamson store, he went in and gathered up everything that was made in Germany, and had a big bonfire out in the middle of the street, you know. Although he had many good German friends all over the county that had helped make him rich. And there was all that went on, you know. And some people changed their name. And if it was a German name—we’ll just change our name. We don’t want anything to do with it. And there was lots of that kind of hysteria going on.

    Interviewer: This deferment business ? this was German boys who didn’t have to go into the army?

    Clyde: That’s right. Some of them said that their fathers were sick and dying, and their father had so much land they had to stay home and farm it for them and they got what they called then farm deferments. And a lot of those men felt badly later, because they didn’t share in the great adventure that the other boys had had. And there was a great resentment against them. A lot of them stayed home and married the belle of the town, you know, and didn’t have to go to war and all the other kids resented that and held it against them, you know even after they all got to be old men they still remembered, you hadn’t gone and you chickened out.

    Source: Oral history courtesy of Latah County Historical Society
    http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/2

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