Results 1 to 5 of 5

Thread: Uganda Genocide Book

  1. #1
    A.K.A. Autobahn
    „Friend of Germanics”
    Funding Membership Inactive
    frippardthree's Avatar
    Join Date
    Oct 2009
    Last Online
    Thursday, April 12th, 2012 @ 09:59 AM
    Status
    Available
    Ethnicity
    German
    Ancestry
    Germany, Gaul, England, Austria, Canada
    Subrace
    Paleo-Atlantid
    Country
    United States United States
    State
    Ohio Ohio
    Gender
    Family
    Single adult
    Religion
    Christianity
    Posts
    1,662
    Thanks Thanks Given 
    0
    Thanks Thanks Received 
    5
    Thanked in
    5 Posts

    Uganda Genocide Book

    I have been looking for a copy of this book. I had found passing references to the book, in the news over the past few years. I am curious, and if anything it looks like it would be a good example of how the black Africans have a very bad habit of making war on themselves and killing each other. Maybe, this book illustrates that the white man is not the only perpetrator to the black man's plight, as our ultra-liberal history tells us. I have also posted this, in this forum as there seems to be no other appropriate forum for me to post this in. I chose the literary forum, as these articles discuss two different books.

    The Last King of Scotland is an award-winning 1998 novel by journalist Giles Foden. Focusing on the rise of Ugandan President Idi Amin and his reign as dictator from 1971 to 1979, the novel is a fictional memoir of a fictional Scottish doctor in Amin's employ. Giles Foden's novel received critical acclaim and numerous awards when it was published by Faber and Faber in 1998. It interweaves fiction and historical fact. In 2006 a film by the same name was produced based on the novel.

    Complete Article:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Last_King_of_Scotland


    I do not believe that it is any coincidence that the plight of HIV/AIDS had developed sometime in the later years of Idi Amin reign in that part of the world, but that would only be conjecture.

    UGANDA: Genocide by Denial

    Photo: Glenna Gordon/IRIN

    The book tells the story of Uganda’s fight against AIDS from the frontlines
    KAMPALA, 10 September 2008 (PlusNews) - Uganda has been called "the birthplace" of AIDS; some of the earliest known cases can be traced to the central district of Rakai, where long-distance truckers started dying from a mysterious illness in the mid-1980s. That small demographic soon mushroomed into a global pandemic, with Africa at its epicentre.

    Despite being the most affected, the continent was on the sidelines of the response for years, only belatedly benefiting from prevention campaigns and pharmaceutical interventions.

    In a new book, Genocide by Denial: How Profiteering from HIV/AIDS Killed Millions, Dr Peter Mugyenyi tells the story of the AIDS epidemic in Uganda from its frontlines: hospitals, orphanages, graveyards, witch doctors' homes – everywhere but from a drug supply cupboard.

    Mugyenyi was one of the founders of Uganda's Joint Clinical Research Centre for HIV/AIDS (JCRC), which pioneered the provision of life-prolonging antiretroviral (ARV) drug treatment in Uganda in the mid-1990s.

    The book is a personal account of "throw[ing] a bucket of water into the towering inferno" of Uganda's HIV epidemic at a time when the country could do little more than look on as its people died slow and preventable deaths.

    After doing his medical training in the United Kingdom, Mugyenyi returned to Uganda to find a mounting death toll from AIDS. Every day he watched parents burying their children and children burying parents. The drugs that could save his patients' lives were available, if they could only afford them. "The vast majority of my patients died not just of AIDS but of poverty," he writes.

    The vast majority of my patients died not just of AIDS but of poverty
    In the early 1990s the first generation of protease inhibitors [anti-HIV drugs designed to suppress virus replication] cost US$14,000 per year per patient, at a time when most Ugandans earned less than a dollar a day.

    Mugyenyi had to turn away thousands of patients, including some of his own relatives, because the life-saving medication was so prohibitively expensive; neither his relatives nor his many other patients could understand why, if there were drugs for their condition, they could not get them.

    In his narrative about Uganda's battle for affordable AIDS drugs, Mugyenyi recalls details that are almost unimaginable in today's world of $10-a-month ARVs: how at the height of the epidemic people started planning funerals as soon as their relatives began coughing; and how Kampala's ubiquitous pork eateries gained popularity as people sought to avoid the weight loss associated with 'slim' disease [a local euphemism for HIV/AIDS].

    He lashes out at big pharmaceutical companies that could have saved lives but didn't, accusing them of blocking the manufacture of generic versions of their ARVs on the pretext that they needed to recoup their development costs – an excuse which Mugyenyi carefully and convincingly debunks.

    He finds, for instance, that significantly more was spent by drug companies on marketing their ARVs than on developing them, especially since several of the components commonly used in the drugs were already available.

    He demonstrates how this prevarication was combined with the myth that Africans could not be trusted to efficiently manage or take life-long ARV treatment to keep the drugs out of their reach.

    Donors also come in for criticism. In the days before big spenders like the United States President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) they gave meagre amounts of aid that did little more than boost their public image. "Not all donations should be accepted all the time," Mugyenyi argues, "because some of them end up as aid to the donor."

    Complete Article:http://www.plusnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=80278
    Attached Images Attached Images  
    Last edited by frippardthree; Saturday, February 6th, 2010 at 07:30 AM. Reason: Clarification & More Sources

  2. #2
    Senior Member

    Join Date
    Jun 2009
    Last Online
    Wednesday, May 9th, 2012 @ 11:35 PM
    Ethnicity
    Anglo-Canadian
    Ancestry
    German
    Country
    Canada Canada
    Gender
    Posts
    1,053
    Thanks Thanks Given 
    0
    Thanks Thanks Received 
    5
    Thanked in
    5 Posts
    I once had a copy of the Last King... but never got around to reading it.

    Try abebooks or amazon's Marketplace--they're relatively cheap there.

  3. #3
    Account Inactive

    Join Date
    May 2010
    Last Online
    Saturday, October 30th, 2010 @ 02:33 AM
    Ethnicity
    Caribbean/westerner
    Ancestry
    German,Italian, swedish, English,
    Country
    Other Other
    Location
    west indies
    Gender
    Age
    38
    Family
    Single adult
    Occupation
    music
    Politics
    A political
    Religion
    Christian
    Posts
    150
    Thanks Thanks Given 
    0
    Thanks Thanks Received 
    0
    Thanked in
    0 Posts
    im actually intrested in any locals whites from uganda. i heard that there is a minority of non blacks in the country 2-5000 mainly east indians, pakistanis, chinnese, and a few whites but i was wondering if any were local born and have any form of citizenship, i know the black goverments have expelled all non blacks at least once and targeted the chinnese but i know some have returned and there communities are growing again

  4. #4
    A.K.A. Autobahn
    „Friend of Germanics”
    Funding Membership Inactive
    frippardthree's Avatar
    Join Date
    Oct 2009
    Last Online
    Thursday, April 12th, 2012 @ 09:59 AM
    Status
    Available
    Ethnicity
    German
    Ancestry
    Germany, Gaul, England, Austria, Canada
    Subrace
    Paleo-Atlantid
    Country
    United States United States
    State
    Ohio Ohio
    Gender
    Family
    Single adult
    Religion
    Christianity
    Posts
    1,662
    Thanks Thanks Given 
    0
    Thanks Thanks Received 
    5
    Thanked in
    5 Posts
    Amin has never exactly welcomed Europeans, & the current Government of Museveni does not seem to be hospitable to Europeans either.

    Persecution of ethnic and other groups

    Amin retaliated against the attempted invasion by Ugandan exiles in 1972 by purging the army of Obote supporters, predominantly those from the Acholi and Lango ethnic groups.[29] In July 1971, Lango and Acholi soldiers were massacred in the Jinja and Mbarara Barracks,[30] and by early 1972, some 5,000 Acholi and Lango soldiers, and at least twice as many civilians, had disappeared.[31] The victims soon came to include members of other ethnic groups, religious leaders, journalists, senior bureaucrats, judges, lawyers, students and intellectuals, criminal suspects, and foreign nationals. In this atmosphere of violence, many other people were killed for criminal motives or simply at will.[32]
    The killings, motivated by ethnic, political and financial factors, continued throughout Amin's eight-year reign.[31] The exact number of people killed is unknown. The International Commission of Jurists estimated the death toll at no less than 80,000 and more likely around 300,000. An estimate compiled by exile organizations with the help of Amnesty International puts the number killed at 500,000.[8] Among the most prominent people killed were Benedicto Kiwanuka, the former prime minister and later chief justice; Janani Luwum, the Anglican archbishop; Joseph Mubiru, the former governor of the Central Bank; Frank Kalimuzo, the vice chancellor of Makerere University; Byron Kawadwa, a prominent playwright; and two of Amin's own cabinet ministers, Erinayo Wilson Oryema and Charles Oboth Ofumbi.[33]
    In August 1972, Amin declared what he called an "economic war", a set of policies that included the expropriation of properties owned by Asians and Europeans. Uganda's 80,000 Asians were mostly from the Indian subcontinent and born in the country, their ancestors having come to Uganda when the country was still a British colony. Many owned businesses, including large-scale enterprises, that formed the backbone of the Ugandan economy. On August 4, 1972, Amin issued a decree ordering the expulsion of the 60,000 Asians who were not Ugandan citizens (most of them held British passports). This was later amended to include all 80,000 Asians, except for professionals, such as doctors, lawyers and teachers. A plurality of the Asians with British passports, around 30,000, emigrated to Britain. Others went to Australia, Canada, India, Pakistan, Sweden, and the U.S.[34][35][36] Amin expropriated businesses and properties belonging to the Asians and handed them over to his supporters. The businesses were mismanaged, and industries collapsed from lack of maintenance. This proved disastrous for the already declining economy.[26]
    In 1977, Henry Kyemba, Amin's health minister and a former official of the first Obote regime, defected and resettled in Britain. Kyemba wrote and published A State of Blood, the first insider exposé of Amin's rule.

    Retrieved From:

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Idi_Ami...d_other_groups
    Human Rights and Economic Power: The United States Versus Idi Amin

    Richard H. Ullman

    Richard H. Ullman is a member of the Editorial Board of The New York Times. Until July 1977, he was Professor of International Affairs at Princeton University and Director of the 1980s Project at the Council on Foreign Relations.
    By the time this journal is in its readers' hands, the American Congress may have been called upon to decide whether Uganda's coffee should be barred from entering the United States. Its decision will hold great importance for Uganda, for the United States, and for the international system. At stake will be the issue of whether or not the richest and most powerful of sovereign states is justified in using its economic power unilaterally to force the government of a smaller and weaker state to alter the way it treats its own subjects. The questions raised come cascading forward: Why should rich North Americans interfere in the internal affairs of a poor African state? How would that interference relate to other American interests and policies - in Africa and elsewhere? What is the larger significance for the international system of such use of an economic instrument - a coffee boycott - for a political purpose?

    II

    In any contemporary lexicon of horror, Uganda is synonymous with state-become-slaughterhouse. The most conservative estimates by informed observers hold that President Idi Amin Dada and the terror squads operating under his loose direction have killed 100,000 Ugandans in the seven years he has held power. Some estimates run as high as 300,000. Many victims have been guilty of nothing more than catching the eye of the killer - a shopkeeper with coveted goods, a Christian in a Muslim village, a civil servant who questions a command, a judge with foreign friends.

    Complete Article:
    http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articl...versus-idi-ami
    16th February 2006
    Not even an archbishop was spared bishop was spared
    By Michael Mubangizi
    GUEST WRITER


    Twenty-nine years ago tomorrow, the murder of the Archbishop of Church of Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Boga Zaire Janani Luwum shocked the world.

    Together with two cabinet ministers and hundreds of thousands others, the Archbishop fell victim to the late former dictator Idi Amin’s killing machine.

    His murder was seen as part of Amin`s hostility towards the church that stemmed from its opposition to his attempts to turn Uganda into an Islamic state.

    On Christmas in 1976, Amin in a radio broadcast accused the church of preaching bloodshed and hatred instead of love in their sermons.

    He had earlier banned fundraising functions in church, dubbing the practice “magendo (smuggling) in God’s temple.”
    Earlier in 1975, probably to spite the church, Amin had appeared dressed in the robes of an Arab sheikh during the opening of the Catholic Martyrs’ shrine at Namugongo.

    Gunmen raid archbishop

    Then on February 5, 1977, armed men raided the archbishop’s official residence at Namirembe at around 1:30 a.m., reportedly in search of arms. They used a man they had arrested and tortured as a decoy to entice the prelate into opening to help a man ostensibly in distress. The man, Ben Ongom, was later to “implicate” the Archbishop in arms trade. The archbishop later wrote in a report to the Bishops about the incident:

    “So I opened the door and immediately these armed men who had been hiding sprung on me, corking their rifles and shouting, ‘Archbishop, Archbishop, show us the arms’. I replied, ‘what arms’? They replied: ‘There are arms in this house’. I said ‘No’.

    ‘At this point their leader put his rifle in my stomach on the right hand side whilst another man searched me from head to foot. He pushed me with his rifle, shouting walk, run, show us the arms’.

    In the same account, the archbishop quotes Ongom as having alleged: “Archbishop, you see some time back we brought some ammunition and divided it up with Mr. Olobo who works in the Ministry of Labour in Kampala…. I have suggested to the security men that Mr. Olobo might have transferred the ammunition to your house…please help.”

    After searching the archbishop’s bedroom where his wife Mary was asleep, the men searched all the other rooms, food stores, toilets, bathrooms, cars in the compound and the chapel where they even looked underneath the holy table.
    No gun was found by 4:30 a.m. when they left.

    Fearing that the soldiers might come back for him, Mary Lawinyo Luwum, the widow, said in an interview that the following day, the archbishop slept at Namirembe Guest House. She advised him to flee the country but the archbishop declined.

    Mary further says that not long after the nocturnal search, Amin invited the archbishop to State House Entebbe. She accompanied him, something that did not go down well with Amin.
    “He wanted to see him alone,” she says.
    During the meeting, Mary recounts, Amin tried to justify the search for weapons.

    “We wanted arms you got from Obote,” she quotes Amin as having told Luwum in his face.
    “I can’t keep guns because guns kill people, I am not a murderer,” was Luwum’s humble response to Amin. But Amin insisted the prelate had transported the arms to Kitgum, Luwum’s home district.

    Amin then insisted on taking photos with the archbishop. He said rumours had circulated worldwide that the archbishop had been jailed so he wanted the photos to prove the contrary.
    Meanwhile, a day after the search of the archbishop’s house, a similar raid was conducted at Bukedi Diocese’s Bishop Yona Okoth’s his residence. Now deceased, Okoth was later to become archbishop in 1984.

    Bishops issue missive

    Church of Uganda leaders met on February 8, 1977 to discuss the incidents and on February 10 issued a strongly worded memorandum signed by the archbishop and 17 bishops to Amin. Only Bishop Brian Herd of Karamoja who was on leave at the time did not sign.

    This memo, condemning the raids in no uncertain terms, rubbed Amin the wrong way and probably became the last nail in the archbishop’s coffin.

    Copies were also sent to leaders of the Catholic, Orthodox and Muslim religious groups, cabinet ministers, and foreign missions.

    “We feel that if it was necessary to search the archbishop’s house, he should have been approached in broad [day] light by responsible senior officers, fully identified in conformity with his position in society, but to search him and his house at gun-point deep in the night leaves us without words,” the document read in part.

    Complete Article:

    http://web.archive.org/web/200710121...c200602161.php
    THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND DEVELOPMENT IN UGANDA
    A Presentation at the Conference on
    Democracy For Truth, Justice, Peace and Development

    A Tribute to the late Hon. Benedicto Kagimu Mugumba Kiwanuka

    Delivered at Georgetown University, McNeir Hall, Washington DC

    December 4, 1999
    by
    Professor Aloysius M. Lugira

    A Dedication
    Let me start with a word of appreciation. A BIG THANK YOU goes to Mr. John Baptist Nnalumenya Mubiru who originally conceived the idea of paying a tribute, in this manner, to the exceptionally outstanding gallant son of Africa, the late Honorable Benedicto Kagimu Mugumba Kiwanuka.
    Consequently, this presentation is dedicated to the late Honorable Benedicto Kiwanuka an individual and a public figure whose sense of direction was patterned on the conviction that while truth liberates, justice divinely humanizes. The tenacity, the firmness, the uprightness, and the sense of purpose he exhibited in pursuit of Truth and Justice for Peace, should make the late Honorable Benedicto Kiwanuka rest assured that he is in company of the front running profiles in courage of this expiring century.
    This intrepid compatriot and intellectual colleague of ours distinguished himself as a devoted son of his parents regardless of what. He distinguished himself as a significant service man during the Second World War, which the world waged against the Dictatorship of the dictatorships, namely, the Nazist scourge of the twentieth century. He distinguished himself as an outstanding High Court Clerk and Interpreter in the history of legal administration in Uganda. He distinguished himself as a patriotic student leader while he pursued his matriculation studies in Southern Africa and his legal studies in London. While a law student in London, as an activist he tirelessly fought for the return to Buganda of Ssekabaka Edward Muteesa II from the British exile. He distinguished himself as a selfless attorney and advocate who manifested the interest he had at heart, in serving as the people's lawyer. And in a particular accentuation he distinguished himself as a Ugandan Husband and Father.
    This is the exceptional personality who in his homeland could patriotically make such homeruns, as within a period of two decades to have held the position of leader of the Legislature, the position of the Prime Minister under whose headship of the Government of Uganda the political independence of Uganda from British colonialism was shaped.
    Finally he did also become the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Uganda.
    Such is the personality who would openly not shy away from articulating that whatever he became was by the shaping of an institution he was exposed to in the course of his human development. The institution was the Catholic Church and its contribution to integral human development in Uganda.

    Complete Article:http://www2.bc.edu/~lugira/churchdev.htm
    Political pluralism and constitutional change

    After the elections, political forces allied to Museveni began a campaign to slacken constitutional limits on the presidential term to allow him to stand for election again in 2006. The 1995 Uganda's constitution provided for a two-term limit on the tenure of the president. Given Uganda's history of dictatorial regimes, this check-and-balance was designed to prevent a dangerous centralisation of power around a long-serving leader. This period witnessed the removal of key and influential Museveni supporters from his administration, including his childhood friend Eriya Kategaya and cabinet minister Jaberi Bidandi Ssali.
    Moves to alter the constitution, and alleged attempts to suppress opposition political forces have attracted criticism from domestic commentators, the international community and Uganda's aid donors. In a press release, the main opposition party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), accused Museveni of engaging in a "life presidency project", and for bribing members of parliament to vote against constitutional amendments, FDC leaders claimed:
    The country is polarized with many Ugandans objecting to [the constitutional amendments]. If Parliament goes ahead and removes term limits this may cause serious unrest, political strife and may lead to turmoil both through the transition period and there after ... We would therefore like to appeal to President Museveni to respect himself, the people who elected him and the Constitution under which he was voted President in 2001 when he promised the country and the world at large to hand over power peacefully and in an orderly manner at the end of his second and last term. Otherwise his insistence to stand again will expose him as a consummate liar and the biggest political fraudster this country has ever known.[33]
    As observed by some political commentators, including Wafula Oguttu, Museveni had previously stated that he considered the idea of clinging to office for "15 or more" years ill-advised.[34] Comments by the Irish anti-poverty campaigner Bob Geldof sparked a protest by Museveni supporters outside the British High Commission in Kampala. "Get a grip Museveni. Your time is up, go away," said the former rock star in March 2005, explaining that moves to change the constitution were compromising Museveni's record against fighting poverty and HIV/AIDS.[35] In an opinion article in the Boston Globe and in a speech delivered at the Wilson Center, former U.S. Ambassador to Uganda Johnnie Carson heaped more criticism on Museveni. Despite recognising the president as a "genuine reformer" whose "leadership [has] led to stability and growth", Carson also said, "we may be looking at another Mugabe and Zimbabwe in the making".[36] "Many observers see Museveni's efforts to amend the constitution as a re-run of a common problem that afflicts many African leaders – an unwillingness to follow constitutional norms and give up power".[37]

    The Movement is depicted here as a puppet controlled by Museveni, writing "third term" into the Ugandan constitution.
    In July 2005, Norway became the third European country in as many months to announce symbolic cutbacks in foreign aid to Uganda in response to political leadership in the country. The UK and Ireland made similar moves in May. "Our foreign ministry wanted to highlight two issues: the changing of the constitution to lift term limits, and problems with opening the political space, human rights and corruption", said Norwegian Ambassador Tore Gjos.[38] Of particular significance was the arrest of two opposition MPs from the Forum for Democratic Change. Human rights campaigners charged that the arrests were politically motivated. Human Rights Watch stated that "the arrest of these opposition MPs smacks of political opportunism".[39] A confidential World Bank report leaked in May suggested that the international lender might cut its support to non-humanitarian programmes in the Uganda. "We regret that we cannot be more positive about the present political situation in Uganda, especially given the country's admirable record through the late 1990s", said the paper. "The Government has largely failed to integrate the country's diverse peoples into a single political process that is viable over the long term...Perhaps most significant, the political trend-lines, as a result of the President's apparent determination to press for a third term, point downward."[40]
    Museveni responded to the mounting international pressure by accusing donors of interfering with domestic politics and using aid to manipulate poor countries. "Let the partners give advice and leave it to the country to decide ... [developed] countries must get out of the habit of trying to use aid to dictate the management of our countries."[41] "The problem with those people is not the third term or fighting corruption or multipartism," added Museveni at a meeting with other African leaders, "the problem is that they want to keep us there without growing.".[42]


    Museveni meeting British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw in January 2004.
    In July 2005, a constitutional referendum lifted a 19-year restriction on the activities of political parties. In the non-party "Movement system" (so called "the movement") instituted by Museveni in 1986, parties continued to exist, but candidates were required to stand for election as individuals rather than representative of any political grouping. This measure was ostensibly designed to reduce ethnic divisions, although many observers have subsequently claimed that the system had become nothing more than a restriction on opposition activity. Prior to the vote, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) spokesperson stated "Key sectors of the economy are headed by people from the president's home area... We have got the most sectarian regime in the history of the country in spite the fact that there are no parties."[43] Many Ugandans saw Museveni's conversion to political pluralism as a concession to donors – aimed at softening the blow when he announces he wants to stay on for a third term.[44] Opposition MP Omara Atubo has said Museveni's desire for change was merely "a facade behind which he is trying to hide ambitions to rule for life".[45]

    Retrieved From:
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yoweri_...robi_Agreement

  5. #5
    Account Inactive

    Join Date
    May 2010
    Last Online
    Saturday, October 30th, 2010 @ 02:33 AM
    Ethnicity
    Caribbean/westerner
    Ancestry
    German,Italian, swedish, English,
    Country
    Other Other
    Location
    west indies
    Gender
    Age
    38
    Family
    Single adult
    Occupation
    music
    Politics
    A political
    Religion
    Christian
    Posts
    150
    Thanks Thanks Given 
    0
    Thanks Thanks Received 
    0
    Thanked in
    0 Posts
    thanks for the rep, and you may enjoy a book called congo mercnary its about a british south african mike hoar and his fight in the congo, mentions the horrific things done to the local white populace in the congo

Similar Threads

  1. Genocide in South Africa
    By The Aesthete in forum Articles & Current Affairs
    Replies: 8
    Last Post: Saturday, March 10th, 2018, 11:25 PM
  2. Uganda: Free university for Virgins
    By Nordhammer in forum Articles & Current Affairs
    Replies: 15
    Last Post: Friday, July 22nd, 2005, 12:07 PM

Bookmarks

Posting Permissions

  • You may not post new threads
  • You may not post replies
  • You may not post attachments
  • You may not edit your posts
  •