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Chlodovech
Friday, June 14th, 2019, 08:08 PM
The Catholic Church once stood as a bastion against Modernity, a battle which is enshrined in its old idea of social doctrine.

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Source: Arktos.com (https://arktos.com/2019/06/12/social-doctrine-and-the-right-part-1/?fbclid=IwAR2jPzPxJVgpFFI46TXNiIv6r8ko2i Tor23DdMhUMGnnDiBuEJUp-eUhYqM)

"When a society is perishing, the wholesome advice to give to those who would restore it is to call it to the principles from which it sprang." — Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum (1891)

‘Social Justice Warrior’ has become a term of ridicule and mirth in recent years, used to describe sundry liberals and leftists who jump aboard every feel-good cause provided by the think tanks and foundations of Soros, Rockefeller, Ford, and a multitude of others. However, there was a time when ‘social justice’ referred to social issues from a totally different perspective. ‘Social justice’ meant the implementation of the social doctrine of the Catholic Church.

If the ‘Right’ looks for the basis of a social doctrine then it needs to step well over all the modernist excrescences, including Free Trade, Enlightenment, Social-Darwinism – all of the dominating doctrines that emerged not only from the Jacobin Revolution, but from the time of the Reformation. The Catholic Church remained (albeit not immune from modernism) the only significant repository of the West’s traditional ethos, and it is from the Church that the social doctrine of the Right could be reformulated, regardless of one’s personal religious background.

Perhaps the largest organisation using the term was Father Charles Coughlin’s National Union for Social Justice (NUSJ), founded in 1934. His programme was based on the papal encyclical Rerum Novarum: the just wage, wide distribution of property, as opposed to its concentration under both capitalism and socialism; the right of group association; and control of the banking system. His magazine was named after that very term, Social Justice.

Father Coughlin, Canadian born, but maintaining a distinctly Irish ascent, and the fighting manner of an Irishman, sought to implement in the USA at the time of the Great Depression those doctrines of his Church that had been formulated precisely to confront the crisis of the modern world engendered first by the liberal atomization of the French Revolution (and tracing it back further, the triumph of oligarchy over the Church during the reign of Henry VIII), then by the Industrial Revolution. All these revolts undermined the spiritual authority in their own ways, and with the rise of industrialisation, created a reaction – Socialism.

What the Church saw in capitalism and its Socialist offspring was a two-headed hydra with a body marked by Godlessness and materialism. The Papal authority sought to address the issues that were becoming daily more acute: driving Godlessness was the misery generated by an unjust economic system that had embraced Mammon and restored the Golden Calf.

Catholic Social Doctrine is regarded as having been formalised by the encyclical of Pius XIII, Rerum Novarum, in 1891, and explicated by Pius XI in Quadragesimo Anno in 1931, having brought together the traditions of the Church from over the course of centuries. As such, these two encyclicals in particular, in codifying the Social Doctrine of the Church, reflected the traditional – Medieval – ethos of European society prior to its destruction by the Reformation, Enlightenment and Industrialism.

When Coughlin, originally a supporter of Franklin Roosevelt, saw through the bogus character of the New Deal, and the bankers behind it, he confronted the ‘money changers’ in Washington and Wall Street, and the Communists on the streets, first with his radio hour, which reached millions from his Shrine of the Little Flower Church, Royal Oak, Michigan, then mobilising his mass-following into a movement that, had he not been betrayed by his own Church superiors, might have changed history. In addition to the NUSJ, the Christian Front was organised among young followers to sell Social Justice on the streets, and fight off the Communist opposition.

Throughout the world the papal encyclicals on Social Doctrine inspired movements from the so-called ‘clerical-fascism’ of Dollfuss’ Austria, Salazar’s Portugal, Franquist Spain, Vichy France, and Getúlio Vargas’ ‘New State’ of Brazil; to the ‘Distributist movement’, whose most notable exponents were Hilaire Belloc and G. K. Chesterton. The Catholic publishing house in Belgium, Editions Rex, under the direction of Leon Degrelle, became the Rexist movement.

Social Justice and ‘Liberation Theology’

Today the Church continues to discuss and activate what it continues to call Social Doctrine. As in keeping with the epoch of ‘modernism’, the Church has been a victim of what it once stood against as a mighty bulwark: Liberalism, and the hitherto anathematised doctrines of the French Revolution. As will be seen below, Church Social Doctrine was systematised by the papal encyclicals of Leo and Pius to provide a way beyond Liberalism (including capitalist economics) and Socialism. As is relatively well known, the triumph of liberalism within the Church is marked by Vatican II (1960-1965).

A major aspect of this subversion of traditional Social Doctrine is ‘Liberation Theology’. As will be seen, the papal encyclicals on Social Doctrine specifically state that no Catholic can be even a ‘moderate Socialist’. The encyclicals provide a total doctrine for the re-organisation of society as the ‘Mystical Body of Christ’ on Earth. Yet for certain clerics, the theology and heritage of the Church was insufficient. As with much else in the Church, there is a movement to ‘modernise’, and this ‘progress’ obscures the gems amidst the muck of the modern world against which the Church had stood. To some priests there was a need to add Marx. Hence ‘Liberation Theology’ was born in Latin America and spread throughout the Church. In the name of ‘progress’, adding Marx to Social Doctrine bastardised the purity to the point of rendering Catholic social action as banal as everything else about the modern world.

‘Liberation Theology’ was formulated by Gustavo Gutiérrez, a Dominican priest in Peru. He was viewed suspiciously as a Marxist by the Vatican, but now he is embraced. A 2015 Guardian report commented: "Gutiérrez was the founder of a progressive movement within the Catholic church known as liberation theology, and while he was never censured in the manner that some of his philosophical compatriots were, there were often rumblings that Gutiérrez was being investigated by Pope John Paul II’s doctrinal czar, a German cardinal named Joseph Ratzinger who would later become Pope Benedict."

It might be noted that this lack of formal censure seems to have been much more charitable towards these crypto-Marxists than the actions taken against Archbishop Lefebvre. The Guardian proceeds: "But when the 86-year-old Peruvian arrives in Rome this week as a key speaker at a Vatican event, he will be welcomed as a guest, in a striking show of how Pope Francis – the first Latin American pontiff – has brought tenets of this sometimes controversial movement to the fore of his church, particularly in his pronouncements against the blight of poverty and the dangers of capitalism."

Again we see fallacious and ignorant assumptions. ‘Pronouncements against the blight of poverty and the dangers of capitalism’ are not an innovation of Liberation Theology; they are at the core traditional Social Doctrine. That such assumptions can be made indicates the extent to which this tradition has been buried and compromised. The Church did not need Marx or the ‘Declaration of the Right of Man & The Citizen’ to formulate its doctrine. It had a legacy of centuries, and something called The Holy Bible. Presumably names such as Charles Coughlin and Denis Fahey are best forgotten as the real heretics in modern times.

"In its height in the late 1960s and 1970s, liberation theology – a distinctly Latin American movement – preached that it was not enough for the church to simply empathise and care for the poor. Instead, believers said, the church needed to be a vehicle to push for fundamental political and structural changes that would eradicate poverty, even – some believed – if it meant supporting armed struggle against oppressors.

… But since his election as pontiff in 2013, Pope Francis’s insistence that the church be ‘for the poor’, and his pointed criticisms of capitalism and consumerism have gone a long way to rehabilitate the liberation theology movement and incorporate it within the church. Experts point, too, to Francis’s decision to name Oscar Romero, the iconic Salvadoran archbishop who was assassinated by rightwing death squads in 1980, as a martyr as another sign of the resurgence in liberation theology."

It is not correct to call Liberation Theology a distinctly Latin American movement. It reached throughout the world, and is evident today in the layman’s newspapers of the Church when discussing social issues.

The papacy’s ‘pointed criticisms of capitalism and consumerism have gone a long way to rehabilitate the liberation theology’, according to journalistic wisdom, but it is precisely this criticism that should have ‘gone a long way to rehabilitate’ not modernist excrescence, but the Church’s own teachings that had something real to say on ‘capitalism and consumerism’.

What Pope Benedict said of liberation theology in 2009, that it had produced ‘rebellion, division, dissent, offense and anarchy’, is now called a ‘misunderstanding and wrong application of this theology’. The ‘misunderstanding and wrong application’ is Liberation Theology per se; and not only a ‘misunderstanding and wrong application’ of Social Doctrine, but a total bastardisation and subversion.

More on Arktos (https://arktos.com/2019/06/12/social-doctrine-and-the-right-part-1/?fbclid=IwAR2jPzPxJVgpFFI46TXNiIv6r8ko2i Tor23DdMhUMGnnDiBuEJUp-eUhYqM)

Chlodovech
Friday, June 14th, 2019, 08:25 PM
Another chapter of the same article on Arktos

Social Justice and Libertarianism

To the libertarians of the bogus ‘Right’, Social Doctrine is anathema, because it is an intrusion on the liberty of commerce between individuals. In a condemnation of left-wing ‘social justice warriors’ Jeff Lipkes, a columnist for the libertarian online journal, American Thinker, states that ‘the original social justice warrior’ was Father Coughlin, ‘the most notorious American anti-Semite of the 1930s’. Lipkes, in an impressive ignorance of history, ridicules the connection Coughlin made between bolshevism and international finance, which was quite well known at the time:

"The alliance between the ‘banksters’ (Coughlin coined the term) and the Bolshies may have seemed unlikely, but it only demonstrated how devious and relentless the Jews were in their efforts to destroy Christianity and the West."

Lipkes, as a libertarian of the pseudo-right, (with emphasis on the pseudo) refers to libertarian icon Friedrich Hayek in defining ‘social justice’ as a ‘mirage’, that the very notion of ‘society’ is an imposition. Lipke writes:

"As Hayek points out, the impersonal process by which markets allocate goods and services and reward performance ‘can be neither just nor unjust, because the results are not intended or foreseen, and depend on a multitude of circumstances not known in their totality to anybody.’ Laws originally attempted to make the process fair and efficient, though there would always be an element of luck. ‘Social justice’ means fixing the results. The criteria will always be arbitrary."

But Likpes’ real problem with Social Justice is that it might impact on Jews:

"The pastor of the Shrine of the Little Flower, now a basilica, had just as much right to define what is meant by ‘social justice’ as any leftist. In fact, like most fascists and many anti-Semites, Coughlin was himself a leftist originally, a staunch supporter of the New Deal (‘the New Deal is Christ’s Deal’) until he discovered that several of Roosevelt’s close advisers were Jews. He remained an avowed enemy of capitalism, and he urged the government to set wages and hours and factory outputs. It was as an enemy of capitalism, and of communism, that he wanted to curtail the activities of Jews. In the name of ‘social justice,’ Jews can be disenfranchised, deprived of civil rights, dispossessed, expelled, and murdered. The social justice warriors of the BDS movement want to do precisely this for Jews living in Israel. The slogan ‘Palestine from the river to the sea’ means nothing else."

Hence, the subject becomes Judaeocentric. It was not so however for Coughlin. The NUSJ was open to everyone agreeing with the policy points, mainly on banking reform. It so happens that the lads selling Social Justice on the streets were attacked by Communists, Jews and Jewish-Communists. It is superficial to analyse Coughlin’s demands for monetary reform as predicated on a desire to eliminate Jews; likewise his rejection of Roosevelt and the New Deal. Perhaps Lipkes is one of those who sees opposition to usury as intrinsically anti-Semitic? Lipkes knows not of what he speaks when he equates the Social Doctrine of the Church, the legacy of centuries, with the ‘Left’. Had Pope Leo gone Bolshie? Or Thomas Aquinas? The raison d’être of Rerum Novarum was to posit the Mystical Body of Christ on Earth against the materialist hydra of liberalism and socialism. The pseudo-right however arose under the same Zeitgeist as Socialism; they both perceive matters in a similar manner. ‘The next time you run across the cant phrase “social justice”, think about Father Coughlin, and remember that the rights for which SJWs demonstrate are paid for with other people’s money and other people’s blood’. Social Doctrine is equated with both Leftism and Nazism and hence with genocide. The pseudo-right sees a connection between Nazis, Leftists and traditional Catholicism. The pseudo-right is the heir to Jacobinism, from which arose both market liberalism and communism; Catholic social commentators such as Denis Fahey saw the connection, as did Leo III and Pius XI. A luminary of the pseudo-right, David Horowitz, a prime mover of Islamophobia, also attacks Pope Francis as ‘not only a communist, but a sexual predator’. ‘The communist Pope just cannot keep his mouth shut’. A columnist for Horowitz’s Frontpage Mag writes:

"Anyone with eyes knows that the proliferation of capitalism over the past two decades has lifted a billion people out of dire poverty – and in coming decades is projected to rescue another billion from pauperism – but Francis robotically slams global capitalism, or ‘globalization’ as the Left calls it, foolishly blaming markets for poverty. Markets, not handouts, accomplish humanitarian feats that the Roman Catholic Church could never, ever hope to match."

… and this stuff is called ‘right-wing’ by media pundits and academia.

Source: Arktos.com (https://arktos.com/2019/06/12/social-doctrine-and-the-right-part-1/?fbclid=IwAR2jPzPxJVgpFFI46TXNiIv6r8ko2i Tor23DdMhUMGnnDiBuEJUp-eUhYqM)